MNEC Informa Ona Nia Rezignasaun, Mais Ministru Nafatin

Kupa: “MNEC Public liar.”

“Sé konsellu Ministru deside buat ruma kona ba ha’u nia ministeiru, ha’u maka primeiru tenki hatene. La’os katak ha’u simu fali mensajen ida husi asesora Primeiru Ministru katak ha’u tenki rezigna an.”  

Iha loron Sabado mais ou menus tuku 22 minutu 30 kalan (27/03/2010) gabinete Primeiru Ministru Kay rala Xanana Gusmao simu SMS ho hakerek iha lian Portuges haruka tuir numeru Telemovel Official ne’ebe utilizadu husi MNEC DR. Zacarias Albano da Costa.  “Amanha mesmo quero falar com o Primeiro Ministro antes de Anunciar publicamente minha resignaçaõ,” dehan iha sms ne’ebe haruka liu husi numeru telemovel 7230016 mak DR. Zacarias uza. Karik urjente tebes mak MNEC haruka sms ba Primeiru Ministru RDTL iha kalan no fin de semana mak karik PM mos loron sei fera ulun hela mos ba promosaun PNTL sira nian. 

Iha loron 05/03/2010 sabado semana ida depois jornal ne’e publika iha ninia sitiu exkluzivamente no emprime iha jornal iha loron 05/04/2010. Publiku hakfodak no iha loron 06/04/2010 durante de ceremonia aniversariu ba dala sanolu Banku dezenvolvimentu Asia nian iha edifisiu MNEC praia dos kokeirus Dili, DR. Zacarias dehan, “ha’u mos uluk jornalista, hanesan imi. Mais jornalista tebes duni. I ha’u bele dehan ba imi ha’u la fiar buat hotu hotu jornais sira hakerek. Ha’u bele dehan ba imi lalika fiar buat hotu-hotu jornais sira hakerek. ” 

Iha parte seluk Presidenti partidu Milenium Demokratiku hateten katak nia la fiar, ninia belun Presidenti PSD, DR. Zacarias la barani atu lakon ninia kadeira mamar iha uma mutin boot tasi ibun praia dos kokerus nian. Kupa mos alega katak MNEC so bele haruka SMS ameasa PM de’it dehan atu rezigna maibe nia dehan MNEC la konsisten ho ninia lia menon. Tuir Kupa atetude MNEC nian ne’e la eduka povu. “Prosesu edukativu katak lideransa ida tenki konsistenti iha ninia lia fuan ho asaun,” dehan Hermengildo Lopes alias Kupa. “Ha’u hanoin MNEC halo ona “kebohongan publik” ka “Public lier” tan ba publiku hatene ona katak nia informa ona ninia rezignasaun maibe ohin nia tauk atu realiza ninia rezignasaun ne’e,” kupa alega. 

MNEC Zacarias iha 06/04 foo sala media ninia publikasaun maiske bainhira jornal Tempo Semanal atu publika ninia noticia sei halo konfirmasaun ho MNEC  via telemovel iha loron 03/04/2010 no DR. Zacarias la nega alegasaun ne’e. 

“Nein dismente i nein konfirma maibe bainhira ha’u fila iha dia 6, depois ko’alia ho Sr. pm depois sei ko’alia ba Jornalista sira.” Iha loron 12 antes, DR. Zacarias Albano Da Costa sente katak urjente tebes atu informa ba Gabinete PM maiske iha kalan oras 22 minutu 30 kona ba ninia rezignasaun maibe iha  07/04/2010 durante de konferencia parseiru dezenvolvimentu  iha ex- Merkadu Municipal Dili, ba jornalista sira MNEC la sita ona konteudu SMS katak sei ko’alia ba publiku kona ninia rezignasaun (Notisia TS loron 05/04/2010) mais foti fali kestaun kona ba fontes ne’ebe mak foo sai ninia sms. “ha’u hanesan ministru presiza ko’alia ho primeiru Ministru. Tuir mensajen ka tuir email ka tuir sa ida de’it. Agora ha’u lamente tebe-tebes katak iha gabinete PM nia laran, ema balun mak foo sai fali mensajen sira ne’e i mensajen hirak ne’e la esplika. Porque sé mensajen ida fo sai hanesan ne’e deit, la esplika naturalmente distorse buat bara-barak. Agora ha’u hanoin ida ne’e mos tenki punidu tuir diretu penal i iha estatu funsaun publiku mos tenki iha konfidensialidade ba komunikasoens, ba dokumentus no ba informasoens hotu-hotu iha laran. “Ha’u hanesan ministru ko’alia ho PM naturalmente ke ha’u la hein katak iha elementus iha Gabinete Primeiru Ministru rasik mak foo sai ba liur,” Lamenta Zacarias. “I dala ruma ha’u hakarak dehan ba imi katak ha’u seidauk ko’alia duni ho Primeiru Ministru ne’e duni mak ha’u labele ko’alia ho ita boot sira. Mais ha’u hakarak dehan de’it katak sé informasaun ruma, sé mensajen ruma mak ha’u haruka ba Primeiru Ministru foo sai ba liur primeiru, ne’e la loos. Segundo foo sai de’it mensajen sira ne’e, ema la kompriende. I ha’u labele esplika buat sira ne’e ba imi por que ha’u seidauk ko’alia ho Primeiru Ministru tan seidauk esplika ba PM. katak Ida ne’e mak akontese i ha’u nia hanoin nusa.” “I agora ha’u hakarak lamenta tebe-tebes katak, iha gabinete Primeiru Ministru i gabinete Sekretariu Estadu konsellu Ministru mak foo sai buat ida ne’e. Ida ne’e la loos. Por que ha’u iha direitu atu halo komunikasaun tuir ne’ebe ne’ebe de’it ho PM.” Nia realsa katak nia iha direitu atu ko’alia ho PM liu husi SMS, email no karta mais, “sé mak la iha direitu maka ema sira ne’ebe fo sai mensajen sira ke ha’u nia ba Primeiru Ministru sein husu esplikasaun ba ha’u i ba Sr. Primeiru Ministru rasik.” 

Bainhira husu kona ba kontiudu SMS ne’ebe hatudu hanesan ameasa atu rezigna an Ministru ne’e ho lalais kua hodi alega, “Naun, ha’u mak simu mensajen husi asesora Sr. Primeiru Ministru nian eehh dehan katak sr. Sekretariu Estadu Agio mak haruka, atu forsa ha’u atu rezigna an.” “Ha’u por prinsipiu la hatudu ha’u nia mensajen sira ne’e ba imi. Mais sé imi hakarak ha’u mak hatudu mensajen sira ne’e ba imi. Portantu ida ne’e maka loos.” Zacarias mos hateten nia leal ba Primeiru Ministru no governu no kestiona, “sé maka la leal ba Amp, hodi vota ho Fretilin iha parlamentu kontra votus amp nian? Ne’e PD maka halo duni. Foin dadauk ne’e ita hotu hatene votus ba Sr. Sebastiao Ximenes nian ba provedor Direitus Umanus Justisa nian, sé mak la leal no sé mak la leal?”
 
“Agora Sr. deputadu sira seluk hakarak distorse buat sira ne’e dehan ha’u mak la leal ba PM maibe ha’u sempre liakl iha situasaun sa ida de’it.” Bainhira husu kona ba karik nune’e entaun mosu dezentendimentu entre partidu sira iha AMP Zacarias dehan loos duni. “Ne’e imi rasik hatene, la iha disiplina iha parlamentu nia laran. Sé Sr. presidenti Parlamentu dehan ba nia deputadu sira pelumenus disiplina uitoan, vota tuir AMP nia instrusoens. Sin. Mais iha duni parlametu nia laran la iha disipilina. I agora dehan ha’u mak la leal ba Primeiru Ministru
ne’e ita hakarak bosok povu, “Zacarias deklara. Tuir reportajen Jornal Timor iha edisaunloron 07/04 Presidenti  PN, Fernando de Araujo Lasama apoiu PM hasai ministru ne’ebe la loyal.
 
Iha parte seluk husu Deputadu husi Bankada CNRT, Aderito Hugo da Costa reazen katak karik DR. Zacarias rezigna duni husi pozisaun sei la lori impaktu negativu ruma ba governasaun Xanana ninian tan ba tuir matematika kadeira CNRT iha 18, PD iha 8, ASDT iha 5, Undertim 2 no independenti ida nune’e lakon kadeira 6 sei la doko ai riin AMP. “Diak liu gentleman, lalika kucing-kucingan tan ba pozisaun ne’e hanesan pozisaun Ministru hanesan pozisaun politiku la’os hanesan pozisaun kareira,” dehan Hugu ho fiar an. 

Tuir realidade, iha AMP nia ukun, partidu ne’ebe iha liu benefisiu maka PSD, tan ba pozisaun importante hanesan Vice PM ida, Ministru Negosiu Estranjeiru no Cooperasaun, Ministru Dezenvolvimentu Ekonomia, Sekretariu Estadu ida ne’ebe rezigna ona no Vice Presidenti Parlamentu Nasional, PSD mak okupa.

General Taur Matan Ruak Questions Jeffrey Sachs on International Aid.

On Thursday 1 April 2010, Jeffrey Sachs, Economic Adviser to the Secretary General of the United Nations invited the leadership of Timor-Leste's defence force (FALINTIL-FDTL) and national police service (PNTL) to a meeting at the Ministry of Finance, in Dili Timor-Leste.

 

Jeff Sachs

During the discussion Major-General Taur Matan Ruak, Chief of the Defence Force asked about the use of donors funds in Timor-Leste over the past decade.

Major General Taur Matan Ruak

Major-General Ruak stated "I have participated in many discussions with Government and I want to know what you consider to be good and bad practise? He further stated that, "international aids to Timor-Leste in the last 10 years was more or less $12.7 billion but its result was an increase is poverty and unemployment. What are the main issues with international aid? I want an explanation to these questions." 

Mr. Sachs answered, "I think this is difficult for me to give an answer but I think the international experts need to consider this question with seriousness and I myself will look at the implementation process closely in the future."  The former guerrilla commander raised the same question to former SRSG Hasegawa years ago, but Hasegawa failed to respond in detail suggesting that it was donor funds as opposed to UN money.

On 7 September 2009 Associated Press reported in "East Timor Aid: Where did the Billions Go?" between 1999 and 2009 that the international community has spent 8.8 billion in aid for Timor but that "little of the money, perhaps no more than a dollar of every 10, appears to have made it into East Timor's economy. Instead, it goes toward foreign security forces, consultants and administration, among other things. In the meantime, data from the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, World Food Program, U.N. Development Program and others show the money has done little to help the poor. In fact, poverty has increased. Roads are in disrepair, there is little access to clean water or health services, and the capital is littered with abandoned, burned-out buildings where the homeless squat."

There are some attempts at increasing the positive economic impact of the international presence in Timor-Leste.  One international NGO the Peace Dividend Trust works closely with international agencies to increase their local procurement in Timor, but it remains a relatively small effort.  Its Senior Adviser Edward Rees told Tempo Semanal "the international community is slowly coming around to the idea that the international presence can be an economic engine to create jobs build the domestic private sector." He further stated "Our Peace Dividend Marketplace project funded by AusAID Norway and others in partnership with the Ministry of Toursim Commerce and Industria while quite successful, remains limited in what it can do partially because it remains on 12 month funding cycles and because it is a relatively small actor in a larger Paris Declaration debate."

During the 2008 Timor-Leste Development partner meeting the Timorese NGO Forum called for "the Government to join our call on international partners to increase local spending, helping to stimulate job creation and build private sector capacity."

President Jose Ramos-Horta also has spoken out in an 2009 interview with Al Jazeera on the matter of how international aid for Timor-Leste has been spent in the past 10 years. President Horta states that if "international aid had been spent in Timor it would have transformed the country....but this is not the case."

In January 2010 the Secretary General reported to the Security Council on UNMIT, which still has a annual 2009-2010 budget of over $200 million, that "“UNMIT is not a negligible factor in the Timor-Leste economy. The Mission spends about $20 million annually in Timor-Leste (for local procurement and national staff salaries), compared with a Government budget volume of $650 million for 2010. The total economic footprint of the Mission is higher, as indirect spending (rent, local services) by the international staff should also be taken into account."

Respected local NGO Lao Hamutuk responded "We urge UNMIT to practice more transparency and local content in procurement and hiring to set a good example for Timor-Leste. In addition, efforts should be made to increase the 9.7% of the UNMIT budget (paras. 137 and 170) which enters the local economy.[11] During the past decade, many international consultants, advisors, “volunteers” and staff have advanced their careers and bank accounts while working “on” Timor-Leste; it is only fair that Timor-Leste’s people also benefit from this money.”

Starting today until 10 April the 2010 Timor-Leste Development Partners Meeting will convene in Dili, Timor-Leste.  The background paper for this meeting states that "progress has been made within the Ministry of Finance regarding the tracking of Development Partner spending, submitted to the National Directorate for Aid Effectiveness (NDAE) as part of the 2010 Combined State Budget."  Timorese civil society will no doubt be interested to review the results of this tracking performed by the Ministry of Finance.

Minister of Finance Emilia Pires, appeared on TVTL national television news on the evening of 6 April 2009 and stated that international partners have not yet lived up to their obligations with regards to the Paris Declaration regarding how Government and donors cooperate on the allocation and spending of donor funds for Timor-Leste.

Timor Telcom Monopoly FInished.

Translation of earlier article:

In a meeting of the Council of Ministers last month (March) the monopoly in the TL telecommunications market was also ended just 8 years after the first government gave a 15 year  exclusive right to Portugal Telecom and its friends. “This Wednesday (31/03) we approved a national telecommunications policy. This policy forsees the liberalisation of telecommunications. I also create conditions for us to prepare the law to accept companies that want to enter TL,” say Vice Prime Minister José Luis Guterres for this newspaper on Friday morning.

The majority of the population and many Timor Telecom customers have expressed their thoughts and demanded that the TL Government liberalise telecommunications market in this nation. As shown, it asked public opinion and managed to get replies from nearly 3007 people, in October 2007, showing that 99 per cent want the government to liberalise the telecommunications market and to allow in some new companies to compete with Timor Telecom. The Xanana Government has drawn up plans for liberalisation of the telecommunications market as a priority and this policy is a response to achieving their wishes.

“In Timor this overwhelming majority in a survey that do in some years ago compellingly showed that they   want to bring in one or two telecommunications operators to compete in our country,” said Guterres. He also though that another reason about approving the policy of liberalising the telecommunications market was because it has already happened in many European Union nations, like Portugal itself, and mainly in some nations in the Pacific like Korea that once had a monopoly but today have all liberalised.

Therefore, “this policy today brings Timor Leste back into line with other nations that have developed their telecommunications,” added Guterres. The Vice minister for Social Affairs said that, “when I came into Government, something that we could see as possibly impeding process de development in this country nian was monopoly de telecommunications. Because monopoly system has this tendency for business management to maximise profit. The Government want telecommunications that are accessible to the population of Timor Leste to use telephone and ínternet at cheaper prices.

According to this newspaper a Timor Telecom Administrator some moments ago recognised their mistakes as well as making some priorities like paying attention to complaints, lowering prices and increasing mobile phone  connections in rural areas. The Government Fretilín in 2002 give right monopolise area telecommunications for TT for15 year but on 31 March 2010 government AMP has liberalised. In a visit a year ago the President of Portugal Telecom gave a  guarantee to the TL government that within six months there would be more telephone connections and will cover the whole of Timor although until today there will still be some places in Timor which will be isolated from the mobile network. “The Government must therefore first make contact with these businesses, to see what really we will be able to do  together because I personally also believe that businesses that deal with Timor Telecom want good telecommunications for the people of Timor Leste as a whole,” said Guterres.

“I believe,” Vice PM Guterres said, “that there have been contacts and I think that TT  will not oppose this policy, because this telecommunications policy similar two what every competent government has done in Portugal, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique, Cape Verde. Practically within two years, there has been a process of preparation, process of moving and also the process of contact between our telecommunications authorities and TT.

Zacarias (Minister of Foreign Affairs) Threatens to Resign to the Prime Minister by SMS, Xanana asks him to do so quickly.

Translation of earlier article:

The possibility of the resignation from the position of Minister for Foreign Affairs by the President of PSD Zacarias Albano da Costa will have an impact on the foundations of the Xanana government.

According to Tempo Semanal’s confidential and trusted sources from within the Council of Ministers it is said that the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Cooperation (MFAC), Dr Zacarias Albano da Costa  has threatened to resign from his position because of some differences of opinion with the Prime Minister Kay Rala Xanana Gusmao.

Minister Zacarias sent an SMS text to the office of the Prime Minister on 27/03/2010 to inform him that, “When I return I will request a meeting with the Prime Minister before announcing publicly my  resignation,” a trusted source from within Timor-Leste’s Council of Ministers read out directly this SMS text from Minister Zacarias to this newspaper.

The source explained that the differences between the leader of the government and this member of government were exacerbated when the Minister for Foreign affairs and Cooperation boycotted the wishes of his leader.

“This shows that the Minister for Foreign Affairs Dr Zacarias Albano da Costa was challenging the authority of the Prime Minister Kay Rala Xanana Gusmao by not complying with the instructions of the leader of the IV Constitutional Government’s.  The Prime Minister wanted all ambassadors to return to attend the development partners’ meeting, as they normally do annually, but this year the Minister ordered them not to come.  This is acting against the national interest.”

During the meeting of the Cpuncil of Ministers on the 31/03/2010 the Prime Minister asked Dr Zacarias to quickly act on his threat. Trusted sources from the Council of Ministers told this newspaper that the Prime Minister said, “send your resignation to me.”

“Minister Zacarias has already threatened to resign often, starting with when he sent an SMS to Deputy Prime Minister Lugo,” the source alleged.

When this newspaper tried to confirm with the Minister for Foreign affairs and Cooperation by telephone on 01/04/2010 in Bali Dr Zacaria said that he would not be making any further comments because he was on holidays and on his way to Singapore for medical treatment, and that on his return on 06/04/2010 he would speak with the Prime Minister before speaking to journalists.

Asked about the SMS to the Prime Minister, Dr Zacarias said that, “I prefer not to say anymore because I have not yet spoken to the Prime Minister, I am still on leave and will return on the sixth  (06.04.2010) and on the sixth I will speak further about this issue.”  He added that, “I do not know what the Prime Minister said in the Council of Ministers yesterday (31.03.2010) because I did not participate in it.”  He added that until he has spoken with the Prime Minister he will, “neither confirm nor deny, but when I return on the sixth then I will speak with the Prime Minister, then I think I will be able to speak with journalists.”

The Fourth Constitutional Government comprises the Parlamentary Majority Alliance (AMP), brining together the CNRT, PSD, ASDT, PD and Undertim parties. Dr Zcarias Albano da Costa comes from the Social Democratic Party and at the party’s congress was elected as its President, which resulted in a split in the said party forming the National Development Party (PDN).  PSD holds six seats in the national parliament and it is likely this resignation will upset the stability of the AMP government.  We wait and see.

Internet Exclusif: Breaking News. Monopoli Telekomunikasaun TT Hotu Ona

Timor Telcom Telecommunications Monopoly is Finished.

Iha reuniaun Konsellu de Ministru loron ikus fulan Marsu remata mós ho monopli merkadu Telekomunikasaun iha nasaun TL hafoin de tinan 8 governu uluk nian foo diretu eskluzivu tinan 15 ba Portugál Telekom ho ninia belun sira. “Iha Kuarta feira ne'e (31/03) ami aprova polítika nasionál de telekomunikasoens. Iha polítika ne'e prevee hanesan liberalizasaun telekomunikasaun nian. I kria mós kondisaun ami atu prepara lei atu simu fali tan kompañia sira ne'ebé hakarak tama iha TL,” dehan Vice Primeiru Ministru José Luis Guterres ba jornál ne'e iha Sesta feira dadeer. 

Maioria populasaun no kliente s Timor Telkom dala barak ona espresa sira nia hanoin no ezije ba Governante s TL atu liberaliza merkadu Telekomunikasaun iha nasaun ne'e. Hanesan hatudu ona iha husu opiniaun publiku ida ne'ebe konsege hetan responde husi ema besik rihun tolu nulu resin hitu, iha Outubru 2007, hatudu katak porsentu 99 hakarak governu liberaliza área merkadu telekomunikasaun no hatama tan kompania foun balun mai atu kompete ho Timor Telekom. Governu Xanana ninian dezde inisia hatuur ona liberalizasaun merkadu telekomunikasaun hanesan prioridade ida no polítika ida ne'e hanesan hataan ba propulsaun sira nia hakarak. 

“Iha Timor ne'e maioria esmagador tuir survei ne'ebé halo iha tinan ruma kotuk propulsaun hatudu katak sira hakarak hatama tan telekomunikasaun ida ka rua para sira halo kompetisaun iha ita nia rai laran,” dale Guterres. Nia mos foo hanoin fali katak razaun ida seluk kona ba aprovasaun polítika liberalizasaun merkadu telekomunikasaun tan ba akontese ona iha nasaun barak hanesan iha Portugál rasik, iha nasaun barak uniaun europeia ninian, no uluk iha nasaun balun iha Pasífiku ho korea maka mosu monopolizasaun mais ohin loron liberaliza hotu ona. 

Nune'e, “Polítika ida ne'e halo Timor Leste ohin loron hamutuk fali ona ho nasaun seluk ne'ebé sira nia telekomunikasaun dezenvolvidu ona,” salienta Guterres.. Tuir Vice Primeiru ministru ba asuntu Sosiál ne'e hateten katak, “bainhira ha'u tama foun-foun iha Governu buat ne'ebé ami hare hanesan bele impede prosesu de dezenvolvimentu rai ne'e nian mak monopoli de telekomunikasoens. Tan ba sistema monopoli tendénsia de jestaun emprezariál ne'e hanesan maksimizasaun de lukru ou maksimizasaun profit. Governu hakarak telekomunikasaun ida ne'ebé maka populasaun iha nasaun Timor leste iha asesivel ba uzu de telefone, ínternet ho folin ne'ebé baratu. 

Administradór Timor Telekom iha momentu ruma kotuk ba jornál ne'e rekoñese sira nia sala hodi hatuur prioridade balun hanesan hadi'a atendimentu, hatun presu no aumenta ligasaun telemovel iha área rurál. Governu Fretilín iha tinan 2002 foo direitu monopolizasaun área telekomunikasaun ba TT durante tinan 15 maibe loron 31/03/2010 governu AMP liberaliza ona. Iha vizita tinan kotuk Prezidente Portugál Telekom foo garantia ona ba governu TL katak too fulan neen nia laran sei hadi'a liu tan ligasaun telefone no sei ko pre Timor tomak maiske too ohin sei iha nafatin fatin balun iha Timor ne'e izola husi lina telemovel. “Governu hanesan uluk liu halo kontaktu ho empreza ida ne'e, para haree saa ida loos maka ita bele halo hamutuk tan ba ha'u rasik mós fira katak empreza sira ne'ebé halo parte iha Timor Telekom hakarak telekomunikasaun ida ke di'ak ba povu Timor Leste tomak,” dehan Guterres. 

Ho fiar an Vice PM Guterres hateten, “iha tiha ona kontaktu s no ha'u hanoin sira sei la opoin ba polítika ida ne'e. Tan ba polítika telekomunikasaun ne'e kompeténsia governu ida-idak ninian hanesan halo ona iha Portugál, guinea bisau, Mozambique, Capo Verde. Pratikamente iha tinan rua ho balun nia laran iha prosesu preparasaun, prosesu sensibilizasaun no mós prosesu de kontaktu ho ita nia telekomunikasaun TT.

MNEC Internet Exclusif: Zacarias Husu Rezignasaun Liu Husi SMS, Xanana Husu Hatama Lalais

Zacarias (Minister of Foreign Affairs) Threatens to Resign to the Prime Minister by SMS, Xanana asks him to do so quickly.

Karik ho rezignasaun Prezidente PSD, DR. Zacarias Albano da Costa husi ninia kargu hanesan Ministru Negosiu Estranjeiru sei lori impaktu lahok ba ai riin governu Xanana ninian.  Tuir fonte jornál Tempo Semanál Fidedigna s iha Konsellu Dos Ministru hateten katak Ministru Negósiu Estranjeiru no kooperasaun (MNEK) DR. Zacarias Albano da Costa ameasa atu husik ninia kargu tan ba iha diferensa hanoin balun ho Primeiru Ministru Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão. Ministru Zacarias haruka sms ida ba gabinete do Primeiru Ministru iha loron 27/03/2010 hodi informa katak, “Bainhira ha'u fila sei husu reuniaun ho Primeiru ministru antes anunsia publikamente ha'u nia rezignasaun,”Fonte Fidedigna iha konsellu Ministru s Timor Leste sani hikas Sms husi Ministru Zacarias ninia ba Jornal ne'e. Fonte ne'e esplika diferensa entre lider governu ho ninia membru ne'e
mosu tan ba Ministru Negósiu Estranjeiru no Kooperasaun ne'e boikota hanoin ba husi ninia ulun boot. “ Ne'e hatudu katak Ministru Negósiu Estranjeiru DR. Zacarias Albano da Costa dezafia autoridade Primeiru Ministru Kay Rala Xanana nian bainhira nia la halo tuir ulun boot IV Governu Konstitusionál ne'e ninia orientasaun. “Primeiru Ministru hakarak embaixadór sira nu'udar tinan tinan, normál mai hotu tuir reuniaun ho parseiru dezenvolvimentu maibé tinan ida ne'e Ministru Zacarias boikota. Ne'e boikota interese nasionál.” Iha soru mutuk Konsellu dos Ministru loron 31/03/2010 mós Primeiru Ministru husu atu DR. Zacarias realiza lalais ninia ameasa ne'e. Husi fonte s Fidedigna s iha mós konsellu dos Ministru hateten ba jornál ne'e katak primeiru Ministru hateten, “haruka ita boot nia rezignasaun mai.” “Ministru Zacarias ameasa atu halo rezignasaun ne'e beibeik ona no hahú husi haruka mensajen ba vice Primeiru Ministru Lugo,” fonte ne'e alega.

Bainhira jornál ne'e halo konfirmasaun ho Ministru Negósiu Estranjeiru no Kooperasaun via telefone iha (01/04/2010) husi Bali DR. Zacarias hateten nia sei sei halo komentáriu tan ba nia iha feira s no sei ba halo tratamentu saúde iha Singapura no fila iha dia 06/04/2010 mak ko'alia uluk ho PM maka sei hato'o ba jornalista sira. Husu kona ba mensajen SMS ba Primeiru Ministru DR Zacarias hateten katak, “ha'u prefere la ko'alia tan ba ha'u seidauk ko'alia ho Sr. Primeiru Ministru, ha'u sei iha hela feira s i dia seis (06/04/2010) ha'u fila i dia seis maka ha'u ko'alia kona ba ida ne'e.” Nia hatutan katak, “ha'u la hatene hodi seik (31/03) saa ida maka Sr. Primeiru ko'alia iha konsellu dos Ministru s tan ba la partisipa iha ne'ebá. Nia hatutan katak bainhira nia seidauk ko'alia ho Primeiru ministru maka nia, “nein konfirma nein dezmente, maibé ha'u too dia 6 depois ha'u ko'alia ho Primeiru Ministru, ha'u hanoin depois ko'alia ho jornalista sira.”

IV Governu konstitusionál forma husi bloku Aliansa Maioria Parlamentár (AMP), ne'ebé halibur husi partidu  CNRT, PSD, ASDT, PD no Undertim. DR. Zacarias Albano da Costa mai husi partidu Sosiál Demokrata no iha kongresu partidu ne'e ninian hili ona nia sai hanesan Prezidente partidu refere ne'ebé rezulta partidu ida ne'e lakon ninia membru balun hodi hasees ba Partidu Dezenvolvimentu nasionál (PDN). PSD iha kadeira neen iha Parlamentu nasionál karik ho rezignasaun ida ne'e bele doko governu AMP ninia ukun. Iha hein no haree took.

Vice Minister of Finance, Government of Timor-Leste Slams the UN.

UNITED NATIONS MISSION IN TIMOR-LESTE:

Great expectation to leave “good memories” and “positive legacies” before ending its mandate in 2012

A Local Perspective

By Rui Manuel Hanjam, M.phil

A former local staff of UNAMET and UNTAET (1999/2000) - Now Vice Minister of Finance.

The United Nations, as an institution, has devoted extraordinary efforts to resolve conflicts around the world. The world needs a strong, neutral institution to perform an important role in conflict prevention and resolution. Timor-Leste is part of this global institution’s mandate to maintain its presence in order to guarantee the country self determination, stability, a smooth transition towards independence and the development of democratic state institutions. This mandate has progressed through various missions, namely: UNAMET, UNTAET, UNOTIL, UNMISET and UNMIT.

 For each mission in Timor-Leste, the UN headquarter has assigned Special Representatives of the Secretary General,of different nationalities (with the exception of Kamalesh Sharman and Athul Khare who both hold Indian nationality) each with different characters and styles of leadership: Ian Martin, for UNAMET’s popular consultation in 1999; the late Sergio Viera de Melo for the United Nations Transitional Administration (UNTAET), Kamalesh Sharman for the United Nations Office in Timor-Leste (UNOTIL), later replaced by Sukehiro Hasegawa for the United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNMISET), and Athul Khare for the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT). The successor of Athul Khare is Ameerah Hag from Bangladesh, who is presently serving for the UNMIT mission, (until now, there is no further information on whether the UN headquarters will review and change the name of the current mission UNMIT, based on Ian Martin’s Technical Assessment Mission)

This article is a contribution, from a local perspective, that intends to discuss the successes and failures of these successive UN missions and provide recommendations for improving future missions, specifically in terms of communication and capacity building with the local counterparts.. This will allow the UN, as an institution,  to make adjustments or changes based on these  recommendations.  Until now, in Timor-Leste, there is a wide-shared belief and high expectations that by the end of the mission in 2012, the UN will leave “good memories” or “positive legacies” rather than negative ones. It is hoped in the future these negative examples may be avoided so that other host countries will smoothly deliver efficient and effective administrations.

UNAMET and its impossible mission

The UNAMET mission, of which I was a part , was considered to be a very successful mission from its inception with the signing of the May 5th agreement in 1999 until the popular consultation, carried out on August 30, 1999 and the announcement of the result on September 4, 1999.

The success of the mission can not be separated from the “strong leadership” that was exercised by Ian Martin as a capable diplomat with vast experiences dealing with human rights matters in Amnesty International and as Deputy of the UN mission in Haiti. Both experiences enriched his career allowing him to control elements inside the mission itself, such as UNPOL, Military Liaison Officers, Military Observers, as well as the UN Voluntary staff, who supported the popular consultation on the ground upon their deployment.

The mission, in a short time, under the guidance of high caliber professionals in the media like David Wimhurst and his team, was able to disseminate educational information about ballot papers, how to vote etc. by using various channels of information such as TV, radio and other printed information like pamphlets and leaflets, so that people were educated in a short time and were able to absorb information about the voting process.

As a result, the popular consultation was carried out professionally with an excellent turnout and minimum irregularities by which the majority of the voters confirmed their position of self determination by casting their votes leading to independence. Therefore, many Timorese whom I have  met regard this mission as an “impossible mission”.

Many people who were impressed by the victory expected a peaceful hand over, such as; Macao (from Portugal to China) or HongKong (from Great Britain to China).Unfortunately, there was no “happy ending” of the UNAMET mission due to the premeditated Indonesian “scorth earthed policy” in 1999 to burn down and to destroy the 27th Province. Timor’s infrastructure and thousands of homes were reduced to smoke and ashes in only two weeks and the violence resulted in massacres and deaths, injuries and forced deportations.

The UN could have handled the Timorese refugees within the siege of the UN compound more competently and compassionately. The Timorese civilians in the compound were there only because, out of desperation, they threw their children over the razor wire and then stormed the compound after being harassed and threatened  by armed Polri in the school grounds who  said  when the UN left they would kill them- These threats had been earlier reported to JOC  nevertheless they were left helplessly in the  school  yard until they took their safety in their own hands.

With UN personnel and 1500 Timorese refugees in UNAMET HQ under siege, we knew, for sure, that Ian was under pressure to communicate the reality on the ground to the headquarters in New York so that the headquarters would accept the evacuation of the Timorese staff and refugees with UN staff in 1999. As Timorese local staff, who worked for this mission, we clearly understood that the negotiation was very tough. Ian Martin was struggling to convey the message through the mission’s political section to convince Kofi Annan in NY to influence the Security Council to take urgent action to address the critical condition in 1999.

Meanwhile as part of “bargaining power” to allow local staff and civilians who resided temporarily in UNAMET compound to be evacuated to Darwin , local staff had gathered together with the  civilians to lay down on the ground at the main gate of UNAMET compound prepared to let the UN vehicles pass over them if the UNAMET only evacuated international staff. This action was also a statement to show the international community that Timor was not under the control of the Indonesian security forces as spelt out in the agreement. Furthermore, most UN staff and remaining journalists within the compound also refused to leave without the Timorese. If it was not for the mutiny within the compound, the UN would have abandoned the Timorese families to a horrific fate.  After the evacuation the UNHQ was moved to the Australian consulate because the walls were high and Timorese refugees would not be an issue. The final decision took longer than expected which is why the process of evacuation was executed only on the 12 September, eight days after the violence erupted on the 4th after the announcement of the result in 1999. 

The tragic violence in September 1999 was beyond the unarmed UNAMET mission’s control; however, it maintained continuity of mission by moving its operation temporarily to Darwin. The successful evacuation of the civilians and local staff was intended to justify the intervention of the International Force for East Timor (INTERFET). UNAMET waited until the INTERFET was able to restore and normalize the chaotic situation before deploying humanitarian assistance and handing over to UNTAET. 

UNTAET and its preparation of Timorese Administration

The United Nations Transitional Administration was established in July 2000, under the Security Council Resolution 1272. . The UNTAET mission was to support a greater autonomy of decision making and the progressive transfer of governance to a full Timorese government. In a meeting held in Tibar, the then SRSG, Sergio Viera de Mello proposed the concept of a joint government, which gave rise to the East Timor Transitional Administration (ETTA)  combining International staff and Timorese to fill the  nine portofolios of the transitional government structure The UNTAET also created the first Council of Ministers with its thirteen portofolios to make important decisions and carry out a democratic election to form Constituent Assembly which was considered to be the embryo of the Timorese Parliament.

Initially the lack of crucial resources was debilitating for the huge task at hand.  While departments tried to function with one or two computers. It appeared that the procurement of some resources was badly mismanaged by an Indian who was appionted to be the procurement advisor, eg the choice of Tata vehicles which were generally useless in the districts because of perpetual mechanical problems and low quality of the vehicles.  The presence of the ship-hotels was another sign of mismanagement..It would have been cheaper to construct dormitories and leave the Timorese with infrastructure than use the ships which were also a blatant symbol of inequality and decadence in the shattered little nation.

There is no doubt that the establishment of the Transitional Administration encountered many challenges both from the Timorese side to reach “common consensus” and from the UN side to efficiently manage its multi agencies and multi-nationalities under the UNTAET umbrella  in order  to lead the country to move ahead. In this regard, Sergio Viera de Mello played an important role with his combination of Latino and Commonwealth style (see Dionisio Babo’ Paper). There was also the additional challenge of bringing together all political parties and successfully unifying them in the decision making process. This was successfully achieved by Sergio, hand in hand with the Conselho National da Resistençia Timorense (CNRT), under the leadership of Kay Rala Xanana Gusmao. As a Brazilian, Sergio absorbed and adapted easily to Timorese culture that had historically been partially influenced by Portugal. Sergio was also sensitive to local culture and religion which was a consideration of   each decision that he made.  Not only that, Sergio had a strong leadership style and was able to bring all entities within the UN system together and he focused on this important task. However, dealing with the reality on the ground is always difficult and he faced many challenges.  Sergio honestly recognised UN weaknesses in the ruling Transitional Administration. This was expressed as I quoted in my interview with him during my research for my Masters thesis as follows:

“,....There are lots of “trials and errors” at the beginning. The UN was not prepared, equipped either in materials, words or in terms of human resources to assume those functions quickly and efficiently. So, it is very difficult to adapt other experiences. We were not governing in Cambodia, we were not governing in Namibia. So, we could not really compare everything. What we are doing here is new and particularly difficult because of the destruction and the collapse of the previous administration. We have never seen that before. Therefore we have to “invent” UNTAET. It is like a laboratory. New experiment, with mistakes, like the old experiment. In experimental science, you try, you make  mistakes, you do not really find the answer, you try again until you say, yes this is the way. That is how we do it here...” (clip interview, 2001)   

Sergio Viera’s comments reflected the reality in Timor. This also sent a clear message that “successful lessons learned” from elsewhere cannot be simply adopted due to complexities of the host countries in many areas such as the political sphere, culture, religion etc.

Despite the  successes mentioned above and consultative processes that were initiated by Sergio, the mission, according to Timorese public opinion, failed to implement the Pacta Unidade Nasional (National Unity Pact) that required unity and power sharing both in government and parliament among the leaders of political parties that had grievances in the past (Fretilin, Apodeti, UDT, Kota and Trabalista).  This exacerbated the situation when there was no democratic election, but rather a transformation of the Constituent Assembly to become the legislative body in the parliament. This  was considered to be a disaster in a post conflict country like Timor-Leste, where a period of 10-5 years is necessary to  acquire  leadership maturity to maintain unity, stability and full  acceptance of democratic elections (read also Bishop Belo’s comments) and the endorsement of a check and balance mechanism.

There are many commentators who stated that the crisis of 2006 was due, in part, to the lack of experience of the leaders to exercise the state democratic rules and to carry out their functions and this created conflicts. The situation was worsened by the unhealthy communication by the leaders to maintain their interests. Timorese leaders should have assumed their responsibility and function as “role models” for democracy. Unfortunately, the concept of a democratic institution is still vague and not understood clearly by the public and in particular by Timorese leaders.

Again, going back to de Mello’s image of a laboratory experiment, there is a common perception with its argument that the UNTAET was keen to test the rules, values and norms of democracy in the initial stage, in order to be able to ensure that the result corresponded to the mission’s mandate. If the 2012 mandate is the last mandate, then a democratic country in its infant stage should have been established and begun to develop towards a mature democracy like those in the West..

Human rights in theory and practice: the case of all missions in Timor-Leste

Human rights cannot be a mere slogan for people. The values of human rights should be upheld by everybody, particularly all UN staff everywhere. By upholding the values and principles of human rights and attaching and embedding them in their daily lives, they can serve accordingly without any constraint in practical terms of their daily work.

But, what is nicely written on paper is sometimes different in reality. There were several incidents that reflected “inconsistency” with these values and principles. Consequently, we, local staff,  felt very frustrated and powerless during the UN missions in Timor-Leste where overt inequalities were practiced by an institution that operates  under the concept of multinationalism .

UN staff who left Timor-Leste had contributed many “good” memories and some bad memories. The good of course, should be the guidelines and continued practice of the country’s future administration and the bad should be discarded. However, we need to consider the bad for reflection on institutional improvement.

Many Timorese commented that the “transfer” of the Serious Crime Unit work into National Court, was  an attempt by the UN to escape its responsibility.  Ironically, on the one hand, this helped the Timorese to accelerate the process of reconciliation, but on the other hand, as a strong institution, the UN should continue to stand firm. Human rights must be internationally upheld without weakening the UN commitment to them,. otherwise a negative message is sent setting a precedence of inconsistency.

There were also a series of incidents which indicated the violation of human rights and the UN code of conduct. Unequal treatment was experienced by many local staff. For example, during UNAMET in Ermera,  three local staff and an international staff member had arrived by helicopter from the Public Information Office based in Dili. A UN  staff, Mr. Samukai from Liberia  forced the  three local staff to squeeze in the back of the car next to piles of baggage, tires and papers while the international staff member had plenty of room in the front seat. I was one of the three local staff and we did not press the matter because of our focus and commitment to help the UNAMET to hold the consultation without constraints. Later I discovered that Mr Samukai held an important position in his country.  We discussed among ourselves that we  were entitled to equal treatment As  Timorese, of course,  we were shocked because we assumed the human rights value of equality would prevail as it has perpetually been promoted by every UN mission as a guideline for its staff.

In the initial stage of transition from UNAMET to UNTAET, there was a shop open for UN staff that provided fast food. All the items were brought from Australia. After the destruction most Timorese staff  were hardly able to find such shops. Another frustration for the locals was the decision that items had to be purchased on presenting an international passport. Of course, it meant only internationals, were served, not the Timorese. I was lucky that some generous international staff  with whom I worked helped me by buying limited goods for me from the shop, most  Timorese were not  so lucky. I mention this to underline that equal treatment should be across the board in UN missions which would ensure that the institution would be respected by everyone.  I tink. This will be a challenge for the UN as an institution that is currently led by the Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon.

Moreover, a Human Rights Unit is always attached to UN missions in conflict areas. During UNAMET, Ian Martin, as a person who worked for Amnesty International, was fully aware of human rights issues and he absolutely disagreed with unequal practices if three of us were able to bring these issues to his attention.

During the transition from UNAMET to UNTAET, Timorese staff including myself worked for the Public Information Office. We had to rush to finalize media releases and news for radio and TV and  to meet deadlines for broadcasting. A female staff who arrived late was kicked in her bottom and, she fell and smashed her own computer. I again, I was shocked, and  we raised questions among ourselves- “is this the  real UN with human rights values or is it just  empty rhetoric?” or  was the UN unable to program its own multinational staff . I joined our other friends, (who have now mostly become diplomats,) to discuss with Manuel Almeida, who was our new Public Information Office Director,  how to solve the issue. Again, I was informed that Sergio might be upset if the issue was brought to his attention.

These are just two examples of discrimination. There were many abuses and discriminative acts practiced by internationals during that period which were not brought to the attention of the head of both UNAMET and UNTAET. But, I was very optimistic that the Head of the two missions would have seriously taken action if those issues were brought to his attention.

There were many criticisms directed at all the UN Missions in Timor-Leste. A serious issue is UN immunity that is applicable to all UN mission staff in most conflict and post conflict countries.  This allows UN staff to exercise their roles without fear in helping the country move towards peace and harmony. However, there were several incidents where the UN staff and UNPOL were involved in criminal “hit and run” cases,   and immediately the UN Headquarters arranged for the perpetrators to leave the country without further investigation, resolution or compensation to the families of the victims (read the statement of discontent expressed by both PNTL General commander and an article by the Secretary State for Defense and some images of torture captured by local TV). During several discussions that I had with the family of the victims, they raised their concerns.

The incidents that involved UNPOL members in two violent acts resulted in the UN leadership intervening in order to deport the UNPOL members back to their own countries. Furthermore, this was done without a transparent mechanism to satisfy the families of the victims.  These incidents have set a bad example in police practice. Commenting in a workshop, Longinhos emphasized, Timorese police lack capacity because  their teacher (UN) is unable to provide the best quality of capacity building, meaning when “the teacher is weak the students are also weak” (Suara Timor Lorosae, February 15, 2010) Many people have no doubt that if Timorese police are unable to act professionally in dealing with criminals and  traffic violators it is partially due to  the unprofessional manner some UNPOL  handle law breakers and  enforce the rule of law..

This also applies to unprofessional and disrespectful behaviors by some UNPOL to local authorities. For example  in the case of searching the vehicles of Taur Matan Ruak jointly by UNPOL and ISF (International Stability Force).  And in the case of the smashing of vehicles and  the rude behavior by Philipino UNPOL to the Vice Minister of Finance which  was brought to the attention of the SRSG Atul Khare. The investigation had been carried out in an unsatisfactory manner, so the SRSG requested to have a second investigation, however the SRSG stated, he was not aware of the incident and sent his deputy and political staff to convince the Minister of Finance and the Prime Minister to drop the case because he was worried about the image of the UN mission and his own reputation.

Several times, when local authorities were invited to Obrigado Barracks for UN ceremonies, they felt intimidated at the UN gate by the bad-mannered attitude of security personnel. These incidents always caused tension.

Good Governance and bad practices to avoid

Good governance is a key word for post conflict countries. The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) is mainly responsible for assisting these countries to establish a transparent, effective and efficient governance. The UN defines “good governance” as,

The process of decision-making and the process by which decisions are implemented (or not implemented). In addition, good governance has 8 major characteristics. It is participatory, consensus oriented, accountable, transparent, responsive, effective and efficient, equitable and inclusive and follows the rule of law. It assures that corruption is minimized, the views of minorities are taken into account and that the voices of the most vulnerable in society are heard in decision-making. It is also responsive to the present and future needs of society.

As most Timorese observe, the UN efforts to enhance the capacity of the bureaucracy and administration of the new country is crucial. At least, the eight characteristics mentioned above should be fulfilled. All discussion about the national interest ensures high participation of all stakeholders. The process has been developed to the extent where these characteristics are generally implemented. My view is that good governance should be guided by the UN mission in Timor with good will and good example to be followed.

The critics of the good governance practices are prevalent. This is understandable in a post conflict country where everyone is in the process of learning. Nevertheless, the Country Assessment Strategies and other developmental documents are mostly prepared without the involvement of the Timorese (see the collection of 1500 documents produced during the State of the Nation Report). On many occasions, a process of consultation is held after these documents have been prepared by consultants hired by the UN missions - with the exception of the local decentralization document that is currently in the implementation stage to establish the thirteenth municipality.

Participation can be either direct or through legitimate intermediate institutions or representatives. And, significantly, participation by both men and women is a key cornerstone of good governance. Most Timorese stakeholders have shared their concerns about gender participation. After gender education was lectured by many gender advisors hired by the UN, now, at last, we have for the first time where a female SRSG appointed to Timor-Leste. One wonders if gender participation is as well exercised as it is defined?

The issue of capacity building is being argued by some line ministries who work together with the UN international staff to provide training and the effective transfer of knowledge until such time when the UN leaves the country. However there is a growing feeling among the national stakeholders that the capacity building only takes place inside “Obrigado Barracks” i.e. HQ. If the UN believes in the capacity building with their Timorese copunterparts, by now, we would have witnessed the visible counterparts of UN advisors seating side-by-side with their counterparts in Line Ministries. However, the end result is mixed. It comes as no surprise that the government has to offer significant incentive to attract national staff who work for the UN to work for the government regardless of the cost that the government has to bear for the efficiency and effectiveness of transferring knowledge to the local counterparts who are, to some extent, performing below the standard requirements and low level of work ethos.  

Another national concern is the increase in poverty and unemployment despite billions of dollars in donor aid. President Horta  addressed this conundrum in is  speech to the 63rd Session of the UN General Assembly, pointing out that the monies had not  gone directly to  rural projects but the bulk went to overgenerous foreign consultancy fees, unnecessary  reports and recommendations and study missions. High international salaries, overseas procurement, imported supplies, foreign military and security spending have also siphoned off the major volume of donor aid  from urgent development programs and the struggling economy. To ensure future donor effectiveness, a comprehensive enquiry into how the  aid was spent must be conducted. Semilarly, in a workshop for preparation of rural development framework, the president reafirmed his statement “ if that is true, araound three billions have been spent, perhaps all the farmers or poor people in rural areas have enjoyed their lives and they have been able to drive BMW to the town.....”

There is a double standard by many UN staff who use UN vehicles to enjoy their off-duty life along the beaches while advising the government, in the interest of good governance, not to use government vehicles during the weekend.

Another hypocrisy occurs by some UN staff and UNPOL members who insist the owner of rental houses reduce the cost of the rent, yet demand the owners sign a false  receipt showing the amount that matches the UN entitlement, meanwhile they rent the rooms to their friends at a  higher charge and double the profit. What sort of good governance, integrity and honesty is this? Can this be a good example to follow? These kind of practices reflect badly on the UN which should take measures to prevent the exploitation of local people by its staff members and more carefully oversee the efficiency and effectiveness of its internal management.

Some of the UN staff have left their childreen. The former Aileu District Administrator, Mrs. Maria Paixao, in a discussion of gender issue took place in Hotel Timor, reafirmed that there are more then 100 childreen that need protection. For that, the UN HQ in Dili has requested to draft an UN intenal regulation for protection of the victims. It was brought into public discussion and consultation, meanwhile publicly never heard of its implementation.

The resolution of the maritime boundaries both with Indonesia and Australia is crucial for protecting Timor-Leste’s sovereignty and the prosperous development of its potential natural resources. Peter Galbright, played important role in the negotiation along with his Timorese counterpart, the former Prime Minister, Mari Alkatiri who was in charged of Minister of Economy at the time of negotiation.  This effort should be praised as the success that potentially has channeled revenue to the new born country’ prospect of development. However, having only facilitated half  the process of joint exploration and shared profit with Australia , the UN must not leave Timor-Leste with the issue unresolved. Given the circumstance where the country has to sacrifice its maritime boundaries within fifty year time frame for negotiation.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the people of Timor-Leste appreciate the many achievements of the UN Missions in Timor-Leste in its efforts to assist our new nation to develop its governance in an efficient and effective manner. For the government and people of Timor-Leste, bad lessons will act as references to be avoided and to indicate moves in the right direction. Furthermore good and bad lessons can educate the UN to perform in a professional, impartial, and affirmative way that will benefit other post conflict countries.

There remain great challenges for Ameerah Hag to work with her Timorese counterparts to bring about significant changes and we are optimistic that we will meet them successfully together. I hope that Ameerah will have gained lessons learned from her predecessors and apply sensible approach to the remaining period of the UN mission in Timor-Leste. Let’s hope that the bitter memories will never be repeated and that the UN can claim a lasting memory when they leave Timor-Leste once and for all.

Eis Anti Independensia Fila, Manuel Lakon Rai

Rui Castro : Otonomista Di’ak Liu Hatene An

Dili-Tinan barak Maubere oan Luta ba Ukun rasik an, tanba hakarak defende ninia direitu ba rai pedasuk ida maibeukun nain sira uza nafatin lei dokumentus ilegal husi Kolonializta, Faxista no agresor sira hodi duni sai maubere husi sira rain iha tempu Ukun Rasik An, Maubere oan ne’ebe uluk terus no sofre tinan ba tinan sai vítima iha ninia rain rasik, tanba otonomista no oportunista sira ne’ebe uluk lakohi Timor atu Ukun An to’o ikus hetan direitu ba rai barak liu duke Maubere oan sira.Faktu s hatudu katak, agora daudauk sira ne’ebe hetan rai barak liu, la’ós Timor oan orijinál ne’ebe defende rai doben ida ne’e, maibé mesak ema Xineza, jerasaun Portu no mesak família otonomista ne’ebe aproveita de’it situasaun Ukun An, tanba bainhira sira hare situasaun la di’ak sira halai ba estranjeiru hanesan, Austrália,Xina, Portugál, Indonézia no Nasaun sira seluk, maibé hare ba situasaun di’ak ona sira mai ho Alvará rai ‘Sertifikadu tanan’ ne’ebe okupasaun Indonézia no Portugeza husik hela hodi hetan direitu ba rai.

Situasaun hirak ne’e agora daudauk akontese ba Avó Manuel Xinanis (95), hela iha área Bidau Lesidere Otél Turizmu nia kotuk, tanba rai ne’ebe uluk Malae António Xinanis entrega ba nia ‘Avó Manuel’ agora daudauk sai polémika, tanba dehan eis Governadór Timor-Leste Abílio Ozóriu Soares (Mate Bian), sosa ona. Rai ne’e agora daudauk família Abílio mak okupa. Maibé hetan reasaun makas husi Avó Manuel tanba la iha koñesimentu ba nia hanesan ema ne’ebe Malae António Xinanis fó fiar.

Loos duni, ai-leba ne’ebe kbiit laek sempre sai nafatin vítima, tanba la iha podér, la iha forsa no beik, karik ida ne’e hanesan ona malisan ‘kutukan’…?.

“ita hotu koko halo took reflesaun ba situasaun hirak ne’e, tanba faktu s hatudu dala barak ona, maibé la iha ema ida neutraliza situasaun hirak ne’e, ne’e duni to’o ohin loron povu kbiit laek ne’ebe tuba ba Ukun Rasik an sempre sai nafatin atan iha ninia rai rasik, tanba de’it faxista no oportunista sira nia interese.Sesta-feira,19/3/2010 iha ninia hela fatin Bidau Lesidere, Avó Manuel Xinanis haktuir kronolojia ba Jornál Tempo Semanál katak, iha momentu ne’ebá Administradór Distritu Aileu Sr. Agapito haruka nia mai servisu ho Malae António Xinanis hanesan Asuliar hahú husi tinan 1952 to’o 1973.Tuir Manuel Xinanis, antes Malae António Xinanis sai husi Timor nia entrega hela uma, kintál ho dokumentu s ba nia no Malae refere hateten ba nia,” imi tenke kuidadu didi’ak buat sira ne’e no espertu nafatin, tanba imi la hatene lee no hakerek, maibé se imi hamlaha husu ba uma no kintál ida ne’e no Maromak sei tulun,” Avó Manuel konta tuir.

Entretantu nia hatutan hela iha rai ne’ebe refere tinan barak ona, hahú husi tempu Kolonializmu Portugeza, Indonézia to’o Timor Ukun Rasik An iha 1999. “maibé ha’u sente hakfodak bainhira rona katak rai ida ne’e eis Governadór Abílio Ozóriu no sosa ona husi dona Iria iha Austrália, tan ne’e ha’u ezije ba sira atu lori dona Iria mai, maibé sira dehan, dona Iria ne’e ema boot no lakohi hasuru ema hanesan imi,” konfesa liu tan Avó Manuel.

Dokumentu s hirak ne’e entrega duni ba nia, maibé tempu invazaun Indonézia iha presaun makas, entaun nia ta’uk no lori ba Sr. Labão Gomes atu rai, mais ikus mai Labão fó fila tan,” ne’e ha’u lori ba Sr. Zeca iha Bemori atu rai iha António Xinanis maun nia oan, maibé bainhira ha’u ba husu fila-fali nia feton ida dehan, Zeca bulak tiha ona no dokumentu s hirak ne’e sunu hotu ona, ne’e duni hela de’it surat rai teen nian, Avó kbiit laek ne’e konta tuir. Hodi nune’e sira sente duvida, tanba uluk sira ba husu dokumentu s iha Sr. Zeca sira dehan sunu hotu ona, maibé ha nusa sira dehan rai ne’e sira sosa ona no dehan fali sira iha dokumentu s.”Tuir informasaun, prosesu tranzasaun sosa no fa’an rai hala’o iha rai li’ur iha tinan 1997, maibé tanbasá momentu ne’ebá sira la mai hela kedas’ maibé ikus Timor Ukun An foin sira mai reklama rai ne’e dona Iria fa’an tiha ona.

Karik dona Iria fa’an duni ona rai ida ne’e, nia tenke mai esplika atu nune’e bele hatene no husu nia direitu, tanba nia hein rai ida ne’e tinan barak ona, tenik Avó Manuel ho laran triste.

Nia hatutan, iha tempu okupasaun Indonézia, uma ne’e militár Indonézia mak okupa, maibé bainhira sira sai entrega nafatin ba nia no iha meadu tinan 2001-2002 Sr. Zeca lori Malae ida mai aluga hodi loke restaurante, maibé osan fahe ba rua.

Tanba sente atu lakon direitu ba rai, entaun iha loron 10 Jullu 2005 husi parte Avó Manuel hato’o karta deklarasaun ba Diresaun Nasionál Teras Propriedade Servisu Cadastrais (DNTPSC) atu bele hetan direitu, ne’e duni iha loron 19 Jullu 2005 DNTPSC hasae Rekamasaun do Direitu De Propriedade bazeia ba Artigu 12 ne’ebe asina husi Sr. Horácio da Silva ho númeru 310.06.02.05.02.03363.

Surat reklamasaun do Direitu de Propriedade ne’ebe parte Avó Manuel hetan sai duvida boot ba parte rua ne’e, tanba liu husi intervensaun Xefe Suku Bidau Lesidere Feliz da Conceição hateten, dokumentu s ne’ebe iha Avó Manuel ne’e falsu no nia brani responsabiliza ninia liafuan.

“ha’u prontu atu atende nafatin oinsá atu rezolve problema ne’e, maibé labele kolia ho ibun mamuk de’it, tanba ha’u la’ós labarik, ne’e duni ita tenke ko’alia tuir ema boot nian no tenke bazeia ba buat ruma la’ós ko’alia arbiru de’it.”Kestaun ne’e mosu kontradisaun makas, tanba esplikasaun husi husi Xefe Suku dehan surat ne’ebe Sr. Horácio asina hodi entrega ba Avó Manuel la válidu, maibé Sr. Horácio informa ba Jornalista Tempo Semanál iha Sesta-feira, 19/3/2010 tuku 14 :15 otl katak, surat husi parte rua ne’e vale hotu, inklui surat ne’ebe iha Avó Manuel.

Ho fiar an Xefe Suku hatudu dokumentu s ba jornalista Tempo Semanál hanesan, Buletin de Ofisial, karta rejista husi DNTPSC ne’ebe asina husi Sr. Horácio da Silva iha tinan 2003, ‘akta jual beli, akta kuasa no dokumentu s sira seluk.

Maibé, bainhira TS tenta husu kopia husi dokumentu s ne’e hodi apar ho dokumentu s ne’ebe Jornalista asesu husi parte Avó Manuel, maibé Xefe Suku refere reseita no lakohi fó tanba dehan sensitivu.Tanba dehan presiza hetan despaxu husi Ministra Justisa hafoin bele fó komentáriu, ne’e duni Sr. Horácio la fó komentáriu kle’an ba kazu refere, maibé tuir esplikasaun badak husi Sr. Horácio katak, dokumentu s husi parte rua ne’e válidu hotu, tanba tuir Lejizlasaun Rai Nian Lei No 1/2003, 10 De Marsu Dekretu Lei No 19/2004, 29 de Dezembru no Lei No 12/2005 12 de Setembru deklara karta ne’ebe Avó Manuel hetan bazeia ba Artigu 12 no karta husi parte família Abílio hetan bazeia ba Artigu 13. Iha Artigu 13 alínea 3 hateten, aktu sira hanesan dispozisaun (fa’an ka fó) kona ba soin metin iha fatin husi sidadaun estranjeiru sira ne’ebe realizadu ona molok loron 20 de Maiu tinan 2002 hahú Lei ida ne’e konsidera aktu sira ne’e la iha.Kestaun ne’e hatudu katak, karta ne’ebe Avó Manuel hetan husi DNTPSC ne’ebe asina husi Sr. Horácio válidu, maibé bazeia ba artigu no regulamentu saida mak família Abílio Ozóriu no Xefe Suku deklara karta ne’e la vala lidu no falsu.

“uluk mosu duni problema, maibé agora iha legalidade ne’ebe hatudu rai ne’e sosa ona no iha dokumentu s hanesan Buletin Ofisial, ne’e duni se sira iha dokumentu s bele hatudu,” esplika José Lemos ne’ebe deklara an hanesan família Abílio Ozóriu. Rona tiha lia fuan hirak ne’e Jornalista TS koko atu inter vista, maibé derrepente mosu inan ferik rua hodi kolia ho lian makas katak,” sira ne’e kriadu no servisu ba ami nia Avó António Xinanis ‘nu’udar rai na’in’ ne’e duni sira la hatene no tuir loloos sira husu lai ami, ne’e mai husi ne’ebe, tanba ami ne’e sira nia Bei Oan rasik no sira ne’e ema fuik.Uma ne’e ami la hola arbiru, maibé iha ‘permintaan’ husi na’in no la’ós naran ba hola de’it tanba iha dokumentu s. Rai ne’e atu Abílio mak sosa mós la iha problema, tanba ami mós Abílio nia Bei Oan la’ós ema fuik.”Aleinde ne’e Lemos ne’ebe deklara an hanesan Abílio nia Rian esplika ho lian makas dehan,” di’ak liu hasuru malu iha Tribunál no nia sadik hodi hateten se nia ‘Avó Manuel’, mak manan iha Tribunál bele foti uma no ami fó tan osan ba nia hodi nia moris ‘selama dua puluh tahun,” esklarese família ema númeru primeiru ne’ebe kontra Ukun Rasik An.

Husu kona ba informasaun ne’ebe hateten uluk Avó Manuel mak fó dokumentu s rai ba Zeca hodi haloot, maibé sira responde lae, no husu ba TS atu hakerek iha jornál laran katak, dokumentu s ne’e fó ba Sr. Zeca maibé iha tempu Indonézia nia na’in rasik ba foti hodi fa’an no agora Buletin Ofisial iha sira.Zeca subliña liu tan, rai ne’e sira hola liu husi Konsuladu Indonézia nian iha Austrália ‘Darwin’ no la’ós inisiativa sira nian tanba sira la iha interese ba rai ne’e, maibé ‘atas permintaan pemilik tanah.’

Ho ninia diplomasia, Lemos haktuir,” imi hare ona sira nia dokumentu s no ami nian, maibé TS responde sin, ami hare hotu ona no iha ne’ebá Sr. Horácio mak asina, maibé Lemos haktuir tan, la’ós hare ba naran mais asina tura, ne’e duni nia husu atu Jornalista TS fila-fali ba Sede Suku hodi hare didi’ak.”Rona tiha lia fuan ne’e TS responde dala ida tan,” ami hare tiha ona no husu ona klarifikasaun husi Sr. Horácio, maibé nia rasik dehan asinatura ne’e ninia no ida ne’e válidu.”

Di’ak Liu Hatene An

Responde ba kestaun refere, emprezáriu Timor oan Rui Castro ne’ebe kontra makas kona ba Alvará Rai Portugés no Indoneziza hateten, inprinsipiu ita husu took sira sidadaun ne’ebe, se sira sidadaun Indonézia entaun úniku sidadaun Indonézia, ne’e duni oinsá mak rai ne’e sira nian.Liu-liu relasaun família integrasaun ho Otonomista, tanba ‘akibat perkawinan politik’ ho prosesu rekonsiliasaun ne’ebe la’o la ho justisa, tan ne’e mak traidór no Otonomista sira mai reklama katak rai ne’e sira nian, maibé nia nunka luta ba rai ne’e atu ukun an.

Sekarik prosesu ‘transaksi jual beli’ akontese iha rai li’ur, hanesan Austrália no Indonézia oinsá mak ninia ‘keapsahan’ válidu ba rai ida iha Timor Leste, ne'e duni tuir loloos labele.

Ha’u hakarak hateten

de’it, ‘semua proses transaksi jual beli yang dilakukan oleh orang – orang pejuan integrasi dalam membeli tanah, walaupun punya sertifikat pada saat itu tapi harus dilakukan suatu infestigasi, apakah transaksi itu terjadi dalam keadaan normal atau dalam ancaman, apalagi berkaitan dengan orang nomor satu di Timor Leste (Abilio Jose Osorio Soares) yang tidak mengakui kemerdekaan.

Tenke hare husi parte hotu-hotu molok atu hateten rai ne’e Abílio nia família nian no oinsá mak iha lejitimidade katak rai ne’e Abílio nian, tanba prosesu administrasaun Indonézia iha TL mundu la rekoñese no faktu s hatudu ona liu husi referendu.

“Otonomista sira di’ak liu hatene tuir an, tanba ha’u fiar 100% Dra Lúcia B Lobato ema rezisténsia ida, Timor oan puru iha sentimentu ba kestaun refere no ha’u fiar nia sei prova nia maluk ai-leba sira”.

Ha’u ladún aseita kuandu ema Otonomista sira mai reklama katak rai ne’e sira nian, maibé prosesu ‘transaksi’ hala’o iha rai li’ur no pior liu ema ne’ebe fa’an rai ne’e ba Otonomista ne’ebe nunka rekoñese ukun rasik an.

Ho razaun hirak ne’e dezde uluk kedas, “ha’u la aseita Alvará Portugés no Indonézia, tanba iha momentu ne’ebá Timor oan barak la asesu ba administra si Portugés, ne’e duni oinsá mak sira atu trata dokumentu s tanba barak la hatene hakerek no lee. Hanesan mós iha okupasaun Indonézia nian, se mak besik liu ba ‘Kopasus’ no Militár sira mak sei hetan fasilidade barak para hetan Sertifikadu.

Ema ne’ebe sai vítima iha tempu kolonializmu Indonézia ho Portugés mak Timor oan Puru, liu-liu povu beik no ai-leba sira, maibé tansá mak ita rekoñese nafatin Alvará Portugés ho Indonézia atu aplika iha ne’e. Atu ko’alia kona ba rai di’ak liu uza Lei Tradisionál hodi halo ‘pengakuan’ direitu ba rai (hak milik atas tanah), maibé se kondisaun nune’e hela de’it, saida mak sei akontese, Timor oan orijinál sei sai atan no bainaka iha ninia rai rasik tanba faktu s hatudu daudauk ona i ida ne’e barak mak akontese

Se mak (matebian) Abílio Ozóriu Soares no se mak Abílio nia família, Abílio nia família hira mak luta ba ukun rasik an, ne’e duni ezije katak rai ne’e sira nian. Keta hanoin katak Avó ne’e beik ne’ebe atu halo beik nia, ida ne’e la iha justisa.

Castro husu ba Governu labele taka matan ba ai-leba sira, maibé tenke loke matan tanba povu ne’ebe sira ukun ne’e uluk luta ba ukun an, ne’e duni sira ne’ebe la partisipa iha ukun an ne’e hanesan ‘penumpan’ iha rai ida ne’e tanba bainhira situasaun la normál sira halai fali ba rai li’ur.Uma na’in iha Timor mak ema ne’ebe luta ba ukun an no sira mak rai na’in loloos tanba sira mak luta ba nasaun no rai ida ne’e.Loos duni sira mós Timor oan, maibé diferensa, tanba sira la luta ba ukun an, ne’e duni sira ne’e ‘menunpan’ ukun an ne’ebe identifika hanesan oportunista.

“Ha’u la hateten sira la iha direitu, maibé relasiona ho kazu rai iha Bidau, ha’u hakarak dehan de’it tenke investiga didi’ak prosesu ‘transaksi’ no la bele hare de’it ba surat tahan hodi hateten loos ona katak rai ne’e Abílio nian.

Dala ida tan ha’u dehan, Ministra Justisa Timor oan ida, ema rezisténsia no nia família barak mate tanba hakarak ukun rasik an, ne’e duni ha’u fiar nia nunka hanoin atu trai ninia maluk Timor oan puru hodi fa’an no fasilita rai ida ne’e ba ema integrasaun sira para halakon fali ninia maluk Timor oan puru ne’ebe uluk luta ba ukun rasik an.

“Hanesan ema Akadémiku ami hakarak hateten de’it, rai ne’ebe agora daudaun problema ne’e la’ós família Abílio nian, maibé hare ba istori rai ne’e Avó Manuel nian tanba tinan barak ona Avó Manuel hela iha ne’ebá no serbisu ba malae António Xinanes hanesan asuliar, maibé antes malae ne’e fila nia entrega kedan rai, uma no dokumentu s ba Avó Manuel” haktuir Reprezentante Front Estudante Mahaswa TL ne’ebe prontu atu sai hanesa advokasia ba Avó Manuel.Tanba ta’uk ho okupasaun Indonézia ne’e duni Avó Manuel entrega dokumentu s ba Sr Zeca hodi rai entaun Zeca mak toma konta dokumentu s hirak ne’e no Zeca mak selu fali impostu ba estadu iha tempu Indonézia.

Maibé iha tempu ukun an Zeca fó aluga uma ne’e ba malae ida hodi loke Restaurante, mais Zeca konsidera nafatin katak Avó Manuel iha direitu ba rai ne’e duni osan ne’e sira fahe.“Maibé ha nusa mak to’o ikus Abílio nia kaben mai dehan rai ne’e sira sosa ona. Atu sosa rai prosesu tranzasaun tenke klaru, sosa husi se no sosa iha saa data foin bele dehan rai ne’e ninian, maibé prosesu tranzasaun halo fali ho ema ne’ebe la normál (cacat mental) ne’e la loos” hakilar Reprezentante Front

Sira dehan Dona Iria mak halo tranzasaun ho sira iha tinan 1997, maibé iha 1998 tasa ne’e Sr Zeca mak selu entaun prosesu tranzasaun ne’e oinsá.(ts)