Tempo Semanal Traffic Hits a High Point.

Secretary of State for Defence Julio Pinto's Opinion Editorial in yesterday's Internet Exclusif on Tempo Semanal has sent Tempo Semanal web traffic through the top.

SSR in Timor-Leste.

Reforming the Security Sector :

Facing Challenges, Achieving Progress in Timor Leste
Júlio Tomás Pinto*

The idea to write the present article came about when I read the report by the investigation team assembled by the Government to study the "Maliana Case", the letter dated 3 July 2009 to the Prime Minister by the Representative of the Secretary General of the UN in Timor-Leste, Dr Atul Khare, on human rights violations by PNTL and the F-FDTL, and the report on the unilateral investigation carried out by UNPOL on this matter. My purpose in writing this article is to encourage a reflection on the approach taken by foreign personalities, agencies or countries in Timor-Leste regarding the reform of the security sector. Also, I am often puzzled with the carelessness displayed by many foreign reviewers who assess our work.

I ask the agencies listed in this article to take my words as food for thought rather than negative criticisms. I trust this article will contribute to strengthening cooperation between Timor-Leste and other countries, as well as between Timor-Leste and the UN.

The State of Timor-Leste, through the President of the Republic, the President of the National Parliament and the Prime-Minister, created last year a strictly Timorese team called Group for the Reform and Development of the Security Sector. It is expected that the Reform of the Security Sector will enable the development and consolidation of the existing agencies, so that they may perform their tasks with efficiency, legitimacy and accountability, thereby ensuring safety to all citizens. It would do well to remind that this reform of the Security Sector is directly linked to the Government's policy concerning the development of its Program. This is why the Group for the Reform of the Security Sector was assembled in the first place. As such, the team is coordinated by two Secretaries of State, namely the Secretary of State for Security and the Secretary of State for Defence.

The said team has been doing an excellent job along with the advisor to the President of the Republic, Dr Roques Rodrigues. The so-called High Level Meetings on the Reform of the Security Sector, where issues concerning the Reform of the Security Sector are debated, involve the President of the Republic, the President of the National Parliament and the Prime Minister, in addition to the two Secretaries of State and some advisors. The UN has also put together a team to support Timor-Leste regarding the Reform of the Security Sector, under the cooperation agreement with the Government of Timor-Leste signed in June 2008. Despite positive reviews by some friends who think the program has been developing for the past year, I do believe that they do not have a Security Sector Reform implementation program. I feel that this is due to the fact that the UN only takes part in the context of "assistance" in conformity with is mandate, which would be important to understand in terms of a peacekeeping vs. peacebuilding dualistic analysis. Indeed, during this period the UN team has held a seminar, placed advisors at the Ministry of Defence and Security in a unilateral manner and has been carrying out mentoring and retraining actions in the PNTL. It seems that the mandate of the UN is only to work alongside with the Secretary of State for Security, particularly with the PNTL. Effectively, in the Sector of Defence it seems that they only work alongside us to speak about training in Human Rights, separation between the roles of the Police and of the Military, advisors and Military Liaison officer training. I myself have requested them to provide training to the F-FDTL in terms of Peacekeeping Forces, but so far no plan has been submitted to us.

When I, in my capacity as Secretary of State for the Defence, meet with a representative from the UN or any country, I tell them two things: firstly, that advisors must present me (in my capacity as Secretary of State and Timorese citizen) several options, as well as their negative and positive implications, so that I may make my decision. This means that no advisor can present me a single option and ask me to follow it, claiming it is the only possible choice.

If on one hand we live in the age of globalization, where the classic concept of State sovereignty has become dimmed, as a result of the need for transparency, cooperation and even the right of interference, where the Timorese sovereignty is limited to the Flag and the National Anthem, as well as some gestures of courage to make decisions without pressure by other States, on the other hand Timor-Leste is a small country but is nevertheless a sovereign State. Consequently its position in relation to any issue has the same value as that of any other State. Accordingly, other States must respect Timor-Leste as the sovereign Nation that it is.

Secondly, I always tell them that the development of the Sector of Defence must be based on bilateral cooperation. This is important for Timor-Leste to be able to set the military system format it wants to establish. This format surely does not include a myriad of different training actions provided by various countries. Should this come to pass, I do not know what the Timorese military system would become. This is why the F-FDTL command has decided that presently the basic military training provided is to be based on the Portuguese system, which is in accordance with the NATO standards, with the possibility of specialized training being based on the systems of other countries. The purpose of this is to provide uniform training so as to enable an efficient Timorese military system in the future. This is preferable to having each country implement its system in the F-FDTL, which would create considerable confusion.

Until 2007 Timor-Leste did not have a National Defence Law and there was no legal diploma approving the Organic of the Military Police. These are just two examples within the scope of legislative drafting. In this field, and in relation to the Sector of Defence, the Government is not required to announce what it is doing or to report to the UN. Nevertheless, we can summarize the reforms completed up until now:

Firstly, at a legislative level, we can highlight the Decree-Law approving the Organic of the Ministry of Defence and Security, the Draft National Security Law regulating the cooperation between the PNTL, the F-FDTL and Civil Protection, the revision of the Military Service Law and the Decree-Law on its regulation, the Draft National Defence Law and the Remuneration Regime for the F-FDTL; currently being prepared we have the Legal Regime for the Retirement of Soldiers, the Military Programming Law, the Military Justice Code and the Decree-Law on the Promotion to General in the F-FDTL. This Decree-Law is important because there have not been promotions from lieutenant-colonel to general for nine (9) years. Finally, the Secretariat of State for Defence, according to the Government Program, is preparing the necessary changes to the Defence Policy, in order to enable the implementation of the National Defence Law proposed to the Parliament.

Secondly, at a structural level, we highlight that the organic law of the Ministry of Defence and Security enables a clear distinction between the political level of defence and security, as a structure constituted by the Minister of Defence and Security, from the military level of the F-FDTL, as well as the autonomous structure that is the National Defence Institute (NDI).

Thirdly, at a training level, we highlight the definition of a Training System and Concept and the drafting of the new Employment Concept for the F-FDTL.

Fourthly, at an administrative level, the Secretariat of State for Defence has already achieved some goals, consubstantiating the legislative drafting process, particularly in changing the concept of recruitment from a mandatory to a voluntary one, improving the subsidies to the F-FDTL, improving the promotion regime for soldiers, implementing the Remuneration System for Soldiers and reviewing the size and capacity building required for the human resources of the Secretariat of State for Defence.

Fifthly, we must highlight the importance given by the Government to F-FDTL infrastructures and equipment. This is a relevant aspect, as previously FALINTIL worked in Aileu beneath canvases. Even when they were moved to Dili they continued to work in containers, and after the 2006 crisis they were transferred to Tasi Tolu, where they continued to work in containers. As such, it was considered important to repair the Military Training Centre of Metinaro. Also in relation to infrastructures, the Government requested financial assistance from China in order to construct the Headquarters and the Building for the Ministry of Defence. In conformity with this, the Chinese Government presented six months ago the project for the Headquarters and the Building for the Ministry of Defence to the Secretary of State for Defence, which was approved by the latter. Therefore the Headquarters for the F-FDTL is scheduled for construction in 2010. Furthermore, this bilateral cooperation with China will also include the construction of 100 houses for F-FDTL members starting next September.

Within the scope of infrastructures, the Government of Timor-Leste has already allocated an amount in last year's budget for constructing Warehouses, the Military Police Building and the Metinaro Armoury.

In addition to this, and according to a review made by Timor-Leste in relation to information on the problem caused by the entry of an enormous number of illegal fishermen in the Timor Sea, the Government has decided to acquire two patrol vessels from the Chinese company Poly Technology. In fact, the previous Government already had plans to purchase patrol vessels. In 2006 the Government had allocated a sum of 10 million dollars for purchasing the vessels, one million dollars for training and three hundred thousand dollars for fuel, but these amounts were suddenly removed by the 2006 mid-year budget. In 2007, responding to a letter by the F-FDTL, the then Prime Minister Dr José Ramos-Horta stated in a dispatch that the vessels might be acquired in 2008. The purpose of purchasing the vessels is firstly to provide resources to the F-FDTL, the Naval Component and other bodies. Secondly it seeks to enable control of the Timor Sea along with neighbouring countries, especially in the South Coast. Politically it seems positive for Timor-Leste to buy these two vessels.

In relation to bilateral cooperation, agreements were signed with Portugal and Canada. Timor-Leste is also discussing and reviewing agreements with Australia, Indonesia and other States wishing to cooperate with Timor-Leste.

Portugal and Australia are two particularly important States for Timor-Leste, as the existing reports indicated that they are the ones who invest more in our country's defence. We have always received support from Portugal, even during the Resistance.

The Portuguese support to Timor-Leste is based on a Technical and Military Cooperation Agreement that includes, inter alia, support through the provision of advisors to the Training Centre of Metinaro, the Naval Component in Hera and to the F-FDTL Headquarters. Presently a Portuguese Language Centre is being established in Metinaro. Portugal is also assisting in the assessment for border demarcation and maritime authority system for Timor-Leste. In addition, they are providing funding for the maintenance of the two vessels they previously offered to Timor-Leste. They have also offered training opportunities in Portugal for sergeants and officers.

Military cooperation with Australia is also very good. We should highlight Australia's assistance to Timor-Leste through the DCP (Defence Cooperation Program). A clear example of this is the Military Training Centre of Metinaro, where almost all the investment comes from Australia. On 17 April 2008 Timor-Leste and Australia held a forum called Defence Cooperation Talks, where both countries agreed on assistance to the construction of an armoury for the F-FDTL and to the construction of a Specialized Training Centre in the Training Centre of Metinaro. So far, however, only the latter has been completed.

On 26 June 2009 Timor-Leste and Australia met again within the scope of the Defence Cooperation Talks in order to review the 2008 Project and the new projects for 2010. Speaking for myself, I was happy to see that Australia wishes to continue providing assistance to Timor-Leste.

Cooperation with the United States of America is also clearly positive. On 18 August Dili will host a Military Conference between Timor-Leste and the United States of America, also designated as USA-Timor-Leste Bilateral Military Conference. Cooperation is also favourable with the US Command in the Pacific, and we find some agreement points for working together.

The experience with the United States of America has been a positive one, as almost all their activity in Timor-Leste has been approved by the Government, corroborating the idea that, as a sovereign State, any activity done by a foreign State, including the United States of America, must be authorized by the Timorese Government. Accordingly, the sending of US Navy vessels to carry out training exercises in our territory under the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA), existing between both countries since 2003, requires authorization by Timor-Leste. As such, and since the US plan foresees that 3,000 US marines will travel to Timor-Leste, it would be desirable for these training exercises to take place in coordination with the F-FDTL, in order to enable transfer of knowledge to the Timorese forces.

Once more, although Timor-Leste is a small State, it is nevertheless a sovereign Nation in the World, as evidenced by the cooperation ties it has built, including with neighbouring Indonesia. Indeed, in addition to the countries listed above, Timor-Leste has also improved its relationship with Indonesia. After the visit by the Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão and his entourage to Indonesia in 2008, this country allowed for the first time F-FDTL officers to attend the SESKO Angkatan Laut TNI in Surabaya. In 2010 the F-FDTL will send a senior officer to Jakarta, in order to attend the LEMHANNAS (National Defence Institute of Indonesia) in Jakarta. Furthermore, Brigadier General Taur Matan Ruak has already invited the Chief of the Defence Force of Indonesia to visit Timor-Leste later this year.

Regarding this matter, which is a recurrent one since we cooperate with so many countries, it is important to understand that we do not want to become militarily dependent from other States. This is why we believe it is convenient to cooperate with various countries in the World. As such we have a rather positive relationship with Australia, New Zealand, the Pacific islands and the ASEAN countries. We also have healthy relationships with China, the United States of America, Indonesia, Portugal and so many other countries.

Out of the several activities already mentioned, I would like to highlight the importance to Timor-Leste of the National Security Law and the National Defence Law, as they regulate the role of the President of the Republic as the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, as well as the connection between the F-FDTL and the Secretary of State for Defence, the Prime Minister, the National Parliament and other holds of high public bodies. This is a particularly important matter as it helps the Government to "prevent anyone from politicizing the F-FDTL and prevent the F-FDTL to interfere in politics". Indeed, it strengthens the constitutional idea that the Armed Forces must be nonpartisan, according to the principle that "the F-FDTL understand politics but must not participate in political meetings or display their political convictions". I should stress that I learned a great deal during my work with the F-FDTL, as the commanders told me "not to give them anything that they were not supposed to do". This expression serves to show in a clear manner the justification for separating politics from the military establishment.

The National Security Law is also indispensible because it regulates cooperation between the F-FDTL, the PNTL and Civil Protection in emergency situations. In fact, the Organic Law of the Ministry of Defence and Security, which has already been approved, foresees an Integrated Crisis Management Centre. Therefore we must be organized to provide assistance to the population in emergency situations, e.g. caused by some natural disaster. Although I have received no such official information, rumours have it that the National Security Law is not appreciated by the UN, as they say it militarizes the police. I hope that this information is not accurate.

After receiving that information from some Timorese citizens, I told them that foreigners always think that what Timor-Leste does is wrong. Only others do things right. There are events from which we can conclude that Timor is always wrong and the UN is always right! Let us consider the crisis caused by the attack on the President of the Republic and the Prime Minister. Some of the distinguished gentlemen of the UN conveyed to the media that the Timorese were in charge of security. Perhaps they forgot that so far there are two Police Commanders, one from the PNTL and the other from the UNPOL. And it is the UNPOL Commander who is in charge! It was only recently that responsibility was turned to the PNTL in three districts, namely Lospalos, Oecussi and Mantuto.

Let us consider another situation. When the Joint Command travelled to the airport to receive the petitioners arriving from Oecussi and the F-FDTL showed up with the weapons they had brought from the KKO HQ, the UNPOL drafted a report stating that the F-FDTL had threatened them with large calibre weapons. The inaccuracy of this report indicates that the authors forget that in a situation of martial law the military must always be prepared, in what one might call a "state of readiness".

Let us now consider the review of the recent events in Maliana. UNPOL presented a report stating that the F-FDTL breached human rights and threatened Philippine elements of the UNPOL by pointing weapons at their chests. After the High Level Meeting with the President of the Republic, the Government assembled a team to investigate the Maliana events. The team consisted of two officers from the State Ministry, Lieutenant-Colonel Koliati from the F-FDTL and Lieutenant Niki from the Military Police, international advisor Chandrabaland for the Secretariat of State for Defence, Inspector Domingos from the PNTL and Dr Anacleto Ribeiro from the Secretariat of State for Security. The investigation concluded that there was no indication of F-FDTL members having "pointed weapons at the chests of UNPOL members". As such it would seem that UNPOL presented an inaccurate report of the Maliana events, which can only serve the purpose of bringing discredit to the F-FDTL. However, the negative campaign to damage the image of F-FDTL continues. Notwithstanding the report from the investigation team, an article appeared in the Worldpoliticsreview.com entitled "East Timor: Security Sector Relapse?" in which it stated that "the domestic security situation improves in the months thereafter, but the police remained sub-ordinate to the army, which still involves itself in the internal security. According to eyewitnesses, UN Police attempts to intervene in a public order incident in Maliana in June 2009 near the Indonesian border, resulted in F-FDTL guns being pointed at the multinational Forces".

More recently, there was another case in the bar called "Casa Minha". Let us make a more detailed analysis of the event. Information from the police agent who was the victim and the youths who witnessed the event, affirmed that two drunken GNR members beat up the PNTL agent until he fell and for this reason the PNTL agent shot at the wheels of the GNR vehicle. UNPOL makes a report stating that the PNTL agent carried a pistol into the bar and fails to mention the intoxicated state of the GNRs.

This fact warranted the intervention of the PNTL General Commander, Longuinhos Monteiro, who strongly protested to the UNPOL Commissioner, Luís Miguel Carrilho who is from Portugal. Longuinhos Monteiro affirmed that "I ask that the two GNR members who beat up my agent be investigated thoroughly" (STL, 13 July 2009). What is known is that up until now the GNR members have been listed as unknown. Only more recently has there been an investigation initiated on this case, however, UNPOL has already issued a suspension notice to the victim, Police Agent Fransisco Magno HAU, while on the ather hand the GNR from UNPOL who beat up the victim are still free.

In relation to this case, the Portuguese newspaper Correio da Manha (16 July 2009), published inaccurate information in their article "Xanana's security leads an attack against the GNR" and the newspaper Noticias Lusofonia (16 July 2009) printed an article entitled "Xanana's Security Accused of Attacking Portuguese Military".

This is not the first time the GNR and UNPOL have violated human rights. We have the case of the PNTL agent, Constantino de Carvalho who was beaten up by the GNRs until he fell. We have the case of the Baucau PNTL Commander, Adérito Ximenes, whom the UNPOL accused of committing human rights violations against one of their members, but in the end, the Court of Appeal decided in favour of Commander Adérito and determined that the UNPOL member was wrong. We also have the case of the UIR Commander, Agostinho Gomes, whose intervention was aimed at resolving an incident at Manleuana Dili, however UNPOL accused him of human rights violations. Of course the UN wants to defend its reputation as UNPOL or UN but it forgets that it is not a "perfect" institution. If it had been a PNTL or F-FDTL member who was drunk and had beaten up others, perhaps the UN would have moved heaven and earth to produce a report in which they would have written a great deal on human rights. We always hear that alcohol, women and playing with guns do not go well together as they represent a security threat. On this matter we are all in full agreement as long as it does not apply only to the Timorese. In Australia, the military also apply this principle. But it seems that perhaps it does not apply to the UN! It is necessary to understand the fact that each of the interventions from each of the UNPOL countries has been uncoordinated and each has acted as they wanted.

The PNTL General Commander, Longuinhos Monteiro, is currently working to repair all that. What we do know is that if we compare the character, self-confidence and performance of some PNTL members with some UNPOL members, ours are much better. UNPOL members are controlled by politicians from their countries but they still want to teach our PNTL that they are better professionals than we.

CONCLUSION: We all move according to the principle of "wanting to do what we (Timor Leste) want, rather than what others want". Although Timor-Leste is a small country, we have our own history, conveyed from generation to generation. As such, the Timorese must be able to choose between foreign opinions, since it would be unwise to follow those that merely seek to serve the interests of those countries.

Despite the negative aspects of international cooperation listed above, this cooperation is still extremely important and requires better coordination between Timorese authorities, the UN and foreign experts so that the Security Sector Reform project can move forward. However, this requires honesty by all. The UN and we must think on how we can improve things.

All of us who work on reforming the Security Sector have the strong support of the President of the Republic, the President of the National Parliament and the Prime Minister, seeking to enable the proper reform of the Security Sector of Timor-Leste. Here we should highlight the contributions of the President of the Republic and the Prime Minister, who have always given us the utmost support in order for us to be able to apply that which is written in the Constitution of the Republic.

Finally, under the principle of "we (Timor Leste) do it because we (Timor Leste) want to follow universal values, not because others tell us to", meaning that "we (Timor Leste) want to do what we (Timor Leste) want, rather than what others want", it is important to understand that the experience of other States should be just a reference to us, rather than trying to reproduce it. If we all want to implement the ideal concept of security sector reform, it is important to understand that it will necessarily take its time, as only so can we find what is good for Timor-Leste.

*Secretary of State for Defence

Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste

Tempo Semanal Edisaun 151

Maubere Oan Hariku Security Maubere Lda

Dili,Tempo Semanal

Lia fuan Maubere idéntiku ho luta ba libertasaun nasionál tan ba hanoin atu hasai povu ain tanan husi terus maibé ha­foin de Timor Leste Ukun rasik an ema bal­un sei uza nafatin naran Maubere ba ko­m­pania seguransa ne'ebé na'in husi e­ma estranjeiru no Timor oan balun.

Kompañia ne'e harii iha fulan Set­embru tinan 2004 husi ema na'in ualu ne'ebé hetan dominasaun maka'as husi em­a Australianu na'in rua ho totál direitu 85% kuota (saham) no ema Timor oan ida de'it maka iha direitu 5% no restu ne'e het­an 2% de'it. Tuir dokumentu aplikasaun ba rejistu no lisensamentu negósiu husi Ko­mpañia Maubere security Lda, iha min­istériu komérsiu, Indústria no Turizmu ne'­ebé jornál ne'e konsege asesu hatudu mo­moos katak Kompañia ne'e ninia na'in maka "warren Myles Knight ho Janice A­nn Knight ho nasionalidade Australianu."

Iha Fulan Agostu 2007 Kompañia ne'e ninia na'in aumenta ba sanulu ho oan Timor na'in hitu ne'ebé kada ida iha­ direitu kuota porsentu rua (totál hotu 14% ba Timor oan na'in 7) no Au­s­tralianu na'in tolu ne'ebé ho totál kuota 86% ho númeru traballadór hamutuk 1481,ema lokál hamutuk 1478 no es­tranjeiru ema na'in 3 de'it. Ikus liu tuir re­jistu Kompañia security Maubere Lda, iha MTCI diresaun nasionál do ko­m­érsiu doméstiku na'in husi ema na'in hitu de'it ona inklui ema estranjeiru ida. Hare ba dominasaun 'saham' husi ema estranjeiru ne'ebé uza naran ho ema ne'ebé maka maubere hodi hariku an iha Timor Leste, Agostinho P. C. Ximenes, estudante Universitáriu ida iha Dili liu husi jornál ne'e ezije ba Go­vernu atu foti medida s. "Ha'u hanoin se­ bele governu limita ema estranjeiru ho Timor oan balun uza naran istóriku nia­n ba sira nia interese ekonomia no polítika." Ha'u hare Kompañia ne'e ninia espíritu la'o ses husi hanoin ita nia eroi sira inklui DR. Horta ninia mehi iha tempu koloniál Portugés nia tempu maibé malae sira uza naran maubere hanehan fali ema ne'ebé la iha kbiit ekonomia hanesan Security Maubere halo daudaun ba Timor oan sira ne'ebé mak ba buka servisu iha sira."

Foin lalais liu ba mosu protesta husi traballadór Security Maubere Lda, nian iha Dili tan problema selu tarde saláriu ba guarda Security Maubere Lda ninian. jornál ne'e tenta atu konfirma ho Sr. Brendan G. Cass maibé nia sujere atu konfirma de'it ho Sr. Olímpio de Carvalho Soares. Sr. Olímpio hateten pro­b­lema ne'e tékniku ida no rezolve ona. "Ne'e sala tékniku de'it tan ba dia 01 monu iha loron Sábadu entaun ami labe­le selu sira nia osan no lanjut ba seg­unda," dale Sr. Olímpio via tele­movel ba TS nia jornalista.

Maubere nia oan sira ne'ebé servisu iha Kompañia Security Mau­b­e­re ne'e maiske manan vensimentu ki'ik no dala ruma selu tarde maibé sira sem­pre lees matan hodi asegura ba soin kliente s sira nian hanesan Mau­b­ere oan na'in hitu nulu resin neen mak tro­ka malu halo seguransa iha Ospitál nasionál Guido Valadares Bidau no ema na'in 21 hein Ospitál referal Oekusi nin­ian ne'ebé governu husu ona ba Ko­m­p­añia refere atu selu ho saláriu mínimu. Bainhira jornál ne'e konfirma kona ba ezijénsia governu liu husi Ministériu Sa­ú­de atu Kompañia sira ne'ebé manan tender ba halo seguransa iha ospitál ho­tu iha timor laran tenke selu pesoál ho saláriu mínimu US$115.00 ne'e, Sr. Olímpio rejeita.

"Governu iha kontratu la determina atu ida hanesan ne'e. La iha governu la define para Kompañia selu guarda sira ne'e maka ami selu sira US$100.00," Olímpio informa. Ba­i­nhira sani hikas ezijénsia Governu nian relasiona ho vensimentu ba seguransa ni­an no husu karik Security Maubere viola rekerimentu ruma husi Ministériu s­aúde ninian relasiona ho selu saláriu nin­ian.

Maibé ho fiar an maka'as Olímpio dehan "La iha, la iha. Ne'e la iha." Me­m­bru Maubere Security ida iha Ospitál Na­sionál ne'ebé lakohi atu publ­ika ninia na­ran hateten,dezde fulan Fev­ereiru nia si­mu saláriu U$ 94.00, ma­ibé hafoin si­ra halo 'tuntutan' iha fulan Maiu Ma­u­b­ere Security hasae sira nia saláriu ba U$ 100.00.

fonte s ne'e ko'alia ho lian makas hodi akuza katak Maubere Security han matak sira tanba sira sente katak serbisu ne'e hanesan fó han fali ba ema se­l­uk. "Ema sira ne'ebé iha Maubere security han matak ami."

"Loos duni, foin daudauk ami halo tunt­­utan ba Maubere Security tanba sira la iha sistema serbisu ne'ebé klaru ko­na ba oráriu simu saláriu nian, nune'e mós dala barak ona ami ba hasoru ma­ubere security nia 'bendehara' mai­b­é sira dehan imi bele ba kesar iha ne­'ebé de'it ami prontu atu ba hat­a­an"haktuir pesoál maubere Security ne'ebé ho insial AG

Seguransa ida seluk ho naran EJ dehan, "kontratu ne'ebé uluk maubere hatudu ba ami ne'e dehan katak saláriu ba ami U$ 95 tanba osan balu sira ko'a ba cuty, moras no ba razaun sira seluk, maibé realidade buat hotu la iha.

Tuir EJ katak, pior liu sira la tau matan ho di'ak ba ninia ema sira tanba dala barak ninia ema sira hetan problema iha loka si seguransa nian sira nunka ba rezolve mais sira abandona fali.

Totál membru Maubere Security ne­'ebé halo seguransa iha Ospitál Gu­i­do Valadares hamutuk ema na'in 76 maibé fahe ba sesaun 4 no kada ses­aun ema na'in 17.

Tuir dokumentu Ministériu saúde ninian define momoos katak kompañia tenke selu seguransa na'in sira ho tuir kritériu saláriu mínimu. Jornalista sani hikas ba nia rekerimentu husi surat Ministériu Saúde ninian mak hakerek ho letra "metan" ne'ebé ezije ba Ko­m­p­a­ñia atu, "selu ba seguransa sira (Sa­láriu Mínimu US$115.00.-kada ema, ka­da fulan, esklui husi kustu anuál no lis­ensa ba partu nian ne'ebé sai responsabilidade tomak ba kontrator (kompañia)."

Maibé jornál ne'e klarifika hikas ho Pe­soál Aprovizionamentu Ministériu Saúde nian, Sr. Avelino Britis informa kat­ak sira nia parte deside ona. "Min­i­sté­riu Saúde determina ona. Iha doku­m­entu s Kontratu Ministériu saúde dete­rm­ina tenke selu seguransa sira tuir saláriu nivel 1," Sr. Britis hateten.

Governu seidauk hatene katak Se­c­uri­t­y Maubere selu saláriu US$100.00 ba seguransa sira ne'ebé haknaar an ih­a Ospitál Bidau no Oekusi. "Ami se­i­da­uk hatene kazu ne'e," dehan Sr. Britis."Tuir Avelino Britis informa katak ospi­tál referal neen iha nasaun ne'e Kom­p­a­ñ­ia Security Maubere kaer seguransa ba Ospitál nasionál Dili ho Ospitál Oekusi. Kompañia Gardamor responsabiliza se­g­uransa ba iha Ospitál Baukau, Maubesi, Maliana ho Suai.

Iha parte seluk wainhira jornál ne'e klarifika ho funsionáriu ida husi kompañia Gardamor ne'ebé husu atu ninia naran labele publika sai ne'e hateten ninia parte halo tuir instrusaun ka ezijénsia husi pr­o­jetu na'in ninia. "Ami hare, halo tuir ona a­kordu ne'ebé halo ho governu,tan ba iha akordu hateten atu selu seguransa sira nia saláriu mínimu US$ 115.00. la iha problema," dehan funsionáriu Ga­r­damor. Governu Timor Leste liu husi Min­is­tériu Saúde asina ona akordu dok­u­m­entu s haat ho kompañia seguransa Gardamor ne'ebé fornese seguransa ba ospitál Baukau, Suai, Maliana no Maubisi. "Ami mós ema balun mai kest­iona kona ba guarda husi kompañia balun nia saláriu ne'ebé sira simu de'it UU$100. Hanesan timor oan ida, ha'u se­nte triste tanba saida kompañia mak ida seluk ne'e halo. Ha'u hanoin nia te­nke selu osan UU$ 100 atu nune'e nia b­ele hetan presu ida ke aas uitoan."

"Bainhira asina kontratu ho ospitál g­overnu determina ona sira nia "budget" iha ne'ebá 'x' amount' kompañia sira ne­'­ebé ba tuir konkursu iha ne'ebá halo konkorre se mak di'ak liu no mós presu ne'e tama ba iha 'budget, seguransa Ma­ubere no Gardamor mak hetan kon­tratu ne'e," nia esplika.

Nia konta tuir pagamentu vensimentu ba pesoál Gardamor ninia. "Kona ba vensimentu ami hetan husi Ministériu, no sira determina ona katak guarda ida tenke hetan vensimentu ne'ebé tuir sira nia direitu no ami mak implementa ba iha guarda ne'ebé servisu iha ospitál."

Gardamor halo seguransa iha fatin seluk mós, maibé, "sira nia deferénsia sal­áriu la hanesan, balun boot liu tiha os­pitál. Ezemplu embaixada balun selu ho pr­esu ida ke makas,"ami hanesan kompañia tuir de'it, tanba kliente hakarak atu selu vensimentu ba sira mai ami la iha problema."

"Saláriu di'ak tanba ami halo tuir akordu ne'ebé halo ho governu sira (Se­g­uransa) nia saláriu UU$ 115 ba sira ne'ebé servisu, portantu la iha problema kona ba saláriu," nia hateten.

Bainhira membru seguransa Gardamor mak iha problema saúde ka falta nia informa katak, "Ami mós iha se­guransa 'kasual' hodi taka fatin sira ne­'ebé falta maibé sira ne'e hanesan te­m­porada, dala ruma iha fulan ida sira hetan no mós dala ruma la hetan."

Nia informa katak durante tinan ida totál membru gardamor permanente ho totál pesoál iha ospitál referal 4 (haat) ha­n­esan Maubesi ema na'in 21,Maliana 24, Suai 94, Baukau 26.

"Saláriu ba seguransa sira ne'­e­bé servisu iha ospitál de'it, hotu-hotu hanesan de'it , tanba ospitál foin hahú. Maibé ema balun servisu tiha ona ba iha ospitál iha tinan 4/5 nia laran sira entrega fila-fali mai iha kompañia, portantu ema balun foin mak tama, maibé sira nia saláriu hanesan de'it."

Iha oportunidade ne'ebá staf Gar­damor ne'e husu atu Ministériu saúde bele foti medida s ba Kom­pa­ñ­ia nakar sira ne'ebé halo terus ba Maubere nia oan sira. "Depois hare ida ne'e mak akontese medida s sa­ida mak Ministériu atu halo, 'se ra ke' husik hela hanesan ne'e, kon­t­in­ua nafatin ba oin ka tenke fó 'per­in­g­atan' uitoan ba sira kona ba problema sal­áriu ne'e?" nia kestiona.

Nia mós ezije atu Ministériu saú­de atu tau atensaun ba pontu s 51%, tan ba, "realidade ne'ebé akontese fila-fali kontráriu. tanba saida?, la'ós tanba kompañia seguransa rua ou tolu problema.

la'ós ida ne'e. Maibé pr­oblema ne'e ita hare fila-fali ba 'keseriusan' governu iha parte ida ne'e, liuliu husi parte aprovi­zi­ona­m­e­ntu."Nia hatutan hato'o ninia duvida, "Agora se 51% la'o naran de'it entaun lalika tau 51% iha ne'e," nia ko'alia ho liman hatudu ba surat governu nian ida maka nia kaer hela iha liman karuk. Nune'e duni nia sujere ba governu kuandu buat hirak ne'e la hala'o, "entaun husik nia ba boron tiha de'it kuandu la hetan la iha problema."Tuir nia hare se governu la sériu atu rezolve problema ne'e entaun di'ak liu hasai tiha pontu 51% duke tau iha ne'ebá depois viola fali.

"Hanesan timor oan ida ha'u sente la dun satisfás kuandu 51% iha t­iha dokumentu s nia laran i depois la aplika ida hanesan mós kontra ona."Bainhira Governu la foti medida s hasoru Kompañia Security M­a­u­b­ere Lda maka bele tau imp­r­es­aun ba ema nia hanoin katak, "vi­ola lei ne'e la'ós hanesan ami emp­r­ezáriu ne­'e, mas membru governu rasik mak viola lei ne'ebé iha ne'e."(ts)

Internet Exclusif: The Provedor Issues Damning Report Accusing the Minister of Justice

In mid July 2008 Tempo Semanal first reported on allegations of corruption collusion and nepotism being perprerated by the Minister of Justice in the awarding and implementation of Ministry of Justice tenders, contracts and projects. One case in particular bring the Gleno and Becora Prison Rehabilitation Project. In December 2008 the Minister of Justice lodged a charge of defamation against Tempo Semanal. In mid July of 2009 in the last 2 weeks the Provedor of
Timor-Leste has issued a report sending its findings and recommendations to the Prime Minister, Council of Ministers and the Prosecutor-General.

Minister Lobato and her UNDP Colleagues that assisted in rehabiitating the prison wall at Becora.

Among the findings are

1) that the Minister of Justice abused her power
2) that the Minister of Justice exercised gross nepotism as the company which one the award has a family member as director
3) that the Minister of Justice is corrupt in exercise of Gleno/Becora Prison project
4) that there was a conspiracy between the companies which one the contracts and the Minister of Justice

To read the full report - download here (7MB)

PM signs off on project for Minister’s husband TS Edisaun 149

PM signs off on project for Minister’s husband,

Soares: Why didn’t anyone complain when Mari signed?
Dili, Tempo Semanal

The murky waters of the dispute between kin inside the company Pualaka Petroleum Fuel Ltd has not just spilt over from Santacruz (the head office for Pualaka Petroleum Fuels) to the door of the Minister for Justice, but has spilt beyond into the Ministry of Finance right up the Government Palace to flood right up to the legs of the Prime Minister’s chair.

It happens that on the 19^th of September 2008, Prime Minister Gusmão signed the contract with Americo Lopes, for his company Pualaka Petroleum Fuel Ltd to supply fuel to EdTL (Electricity of Timor-Leste). Luckily, the case of the locked out Pualaka employees at Tibar Port, and the falsification of the company shareholding statutes, which put an end to the continued supply of fuel to EdTL, otherwise, Pualaka and its boastfulness would still be supplying fuel to EdTL despite the ongoing power cuts which keep Dili’s electricity blinking on and off. The legal procedures for the Prime Minister to sign the contract with the Justice Minister’s husband, was not as a consequence of the PM exercising his whim, but the duty and powers given by law to the PM to sign contracts, but which is affected by the provisions of article 3 of Law No. 7/2007 on Constitutional Officeholders, in that bit creates certain prohibitions with regards to certain companies.

Clause 1 of this law states that Companies whose capital belongs in a percentage over 10% to a person who holds the office at a constitutional body will be prohibited from entering tenders for the supplying of goods or services, as well as for the exercise of trade or industry activities, in contracts with the State and other entities.

Clause 2, line a) of the law states that Companies whose capital, in the same percentage, belongs to the spouse of the holder, when there is no separation of persons and assets, to their

ascendants and descendants in any degree and to collaterals up to the 2^nd degree, as well as the person who lives with the holder in a situation akin to marriage are also prohibited.

Line b) of clause 2, states that this also applies to Companies in which capital the holder of the office detains, directly or indirectly, alone or together with the relatives mentioned in the previous sub-paragraph a), hold a participation not below 10%.

Consequently, many now believe that there has been a breach of article 3 of Law No. 7/2004 because of the 10% limitation stipulated by the law, because Americo Lopes holds 30% of Pualaka. Though Americo Lopes is not an officeholder, but he is the husband of the Minister of Justice and has family links with the Prime Minister.

However, according to the Director General of State Finances, Francisco Soares, decree law 10/2005 was amended by a decree law in 2008 which sets out the tender process and who is empowered to approve contracts. He says that the Minister signs contracts valued at between five hundred thousand dollars to one million dollars, the PM signs contracts upwards of one million dollars and the director can sign for contracts five hundred thousand dollars and less, but that this is dependent on delegation of powers from the Minister. “We follow the rules,” Soares told this newspaper from the Ministry of Finance building , Thursday 03/07/2009.

However, FRETILIN MP Francisco Branco accused the Prime Minister of breaching the Constitutional Officeholders because he signed a contract in favour of a relative. Branco’s view is that the Prime Minister should delegate administrative power to the Minister of Finance to do this, so that the PM can have more time to better control his government’s activities. But some in civil society disagree saying that doing this will result in diminished power for the Prime Minister to properly control collusion, corruption and nepotism.

“The Prime Minister is the head of the government and has to be in a position to know all that is happening in the administration and to approve projects. It’s akin to a director of a company abrogating his or her power to authorize financial transactions to someone else. That would only be for a crazy director to do,” this civil society member said.

But Branco stressed that he was unhappy with the current situation because when the Prime Minister is the one to sign contracts, it facilitates more nepotism and closes off avenues for transparency and accountability. From Branco’s point of view the Prime Minister should delegate these powers because it is consistent with ensuring she has control over the budget and because the keys to the state’s coffers are already in her hands anyway. Branco accuse the Prime Minister of having interfered with the powers of others in his government by taking short cuts in signing the rice and fuel contracts, acts which did nothing to promote transparency and accountability in the public administration.

Soares says however that the Prime Minister signs contracts because the procurement law empowers him to do so. ‘The procurement law was enacted by FRETILIN, and under this law Pm Alkatiri previously signed contracts above one million dollars, as did the former Finance Minister Maria Madalena and the former Procurement Director Gregorio Sousa. So why are the opposition parties now questioning this law? It seems to me like perhaps they are not familiar with system which has been in place,” Soares said.

On another, Soares also mentioned that the UNTAET public finance law number 13/2001 was being reviewed and will be amended. Soares said that their work was based on principles of professionalism and integrity.

On the same occasion, when he spoke about why Americo Lopes won this tender, Soares explained that the Justice Minister’s husband winning the tender was political. The law must be changed if political questions result in a breach of the law. Only the council of ministers and the parliament can change the law, procurement only follows the laws that are approved by parliament and promulgated by the President of the Republic. “We don’t look at who bids in a tender, we only assess at their professionalism and integrity to complete the project. Because of this I always say that I am not concerned with whoever wants to take these things to court because I am ready to answer,” Soares said smiling.

But when responding to journalists regarding the law and the emergence of conflict of interest, the Director General explained that they are always careful avoid conflict of interest arising during a tender. “If my brother submits bid documents for a tender, then I cannot participate in the bid evaluation team so as to avoid a conflict of interest arising. But I cannot impede him from tendering because that is his right,” he spoke.

From the civil society perspective, Joazito Viana, General Manager of Luta Hamutuk thinks that this government has not yet been transparent in the way it manages tenders because it does not publish the selection process for companies that are awarded contracts for projects, such as how many companies compete in a tender and which are selected. Such a process can result in all sorts of speculation as to why companies miss out on selection. The government should rectify this by being transparent from the time a tender opens so that expectations do not build up from the companies that bid and avoid future public controversy. But because the government has failed to do this, then many problems have emerged such as with the rice contracts, Viana said. He elaborated saying that at present there is a lot of rice rotting away in warehouses, and not being distributed to the intended beneficiaries. Its these types of things that lead people to speculate that this government is promoting collusion, corruption and nepotism.

“We want to point out that right now we are seeing some increase in rice production in some districts because of the distribution of tractors through the economic stabilization fund, such as in the sub-district of Maliana in Bobonaro, where on Monday, 6 July 2009 there was a demonstration by farmers complaining that their production of nearly 400 tonnes of rice was rotting in the sub-district warehouse. We have to question what went wrong, because the government has been urging the farmers to increase production but at the same time it has entered into contracts with rice importers. This shows a lack of accountability by the government, especially in the tendering process.

So, we request the government to involve everyone in the bid selection process of companies who compete and to publish the name of the winning bidder, so as to avoid speculation and public questions that there has been family favoritism in the tender process,” Viana said.

Nevertheless, Viana defended the right for whomever to bid in tenders, whether they are the son or daughter of a minister or a brother or sister of the minister, because all citizens have equal rights. He added that according to the human rights convention and the convention on political, economic, social and cultural rights, all persons have equal access regardless of kinship. But such persons winning contracts for projects they bid on must ensure they complete the project with quality, because they qualified according to criteria set out in the bid conditions. But he also said it would be a better situation when the government created a mechanism to avoid family involvement in the tender process.

On the issue of the concern some have regarding the PM not delegating financial management powers to the Finance Minister, this member of civil society declared that this was this was one of the procedural issues that was not yet clear with the Ministry of Finance itself, because the Ministry of Finance only submits proposals to the Head of the Government for approval but does not sign contracts because the Ministry of finance also has the responsibility of preparing the contract through the procurement division.

“According to some documents that we have seen, the PM has signed some contracts, which he should not do. But in his capacity as Minister of Defence and Security he can sign contracts, not as PM. The PM only approves proposals submitted to him by the Ministry of Finance, with the Ministry of Finance acting like the master kitchen for smaller kitchens in smaller departments, managing the process right up to taking it to the PM for his approval,” Viana said.

On questions from journalists regarding the procurement law giving the PM power to sign contracts, Viana was clear in saying that he had power to sign international agreements. He pointed to a case where the PM did not have any power to sign, such as with the contracts with Conoco Phillips to explore, or when ENI won the blocks to explore for oil in the exclusive zone in the Timor Sea. These contracts with multinational companies for contracts valued at millions and millions of dollars, the PM does not have any power to sign.

As such whenever we speak of the PM signing for Pualaka Petroleum Fuel to supply fuel for EdTL with a contract price of US$1,473,360.00 (as is written in the contract document signed by Americo Lopes dated 3 July 2009), Vianan added that it shows that the PM did wrong because in signing with this company. Such a decision also points to an interference with the powers of others, because it should be procurement signing these contracts, after the PM has approved the proposal made by the Ministry of Finance for the contract. Viana suggests the government should change this system, the current procurement mechanism and procedures, otherwise one day the PM will also be signing for just one dollar.

On another matter, the Deputy Director of Luta Hamutuk, Edio Saldanha Borges said that law No &, article 3 of the law on Constitutional Officeholders already stipulates various prohibitions on companies in which they or their relatives to the second degree of kinship have a shareholding in excess of 10% to bid for state tenders. Because of this, if the PM signed a contract with the Minister’s husband with whom the PM has a family relationship with, then the PM has breached the law on constitutional Officeholders because a conflict of interest clearly arose when he signed the contract.

Therefore, Edio suggested that the authorities with the legal powers should act in relation to this case, but more than just sending it to the Provedor for Human Rights and Justice or an investigation by the Inspector General or by the Deputy PM for Administrative Affairs, but has to be sent to the Prosecutor General to formally proceed with an accusation so that everyone can see that the law was enacted to apply to everyone and not just to protect the high and mighty.

According to Edio, the way to curtail such conduct is for the National Parliament to use its oversight and monitoring powers to ensure that the government knows not to act beyond their powers.

“we should not treat this as case of ‘because it involves our big brother, we are all scared’. None of us want this. If someone breaks the law then we should not be afraid of correcting that, because it involves the peoples’ rights and nothing to do with it involving our ‘big brother’”, Edio stressed.

He added that when a leader commits a wrong then “we should look to whether the criminal code has been breached and whether it should be tried by the courts. The parliament can resolve political issues. But the Prosecutor general has to investigate if there is a criminal issue involved. This is how cases such as the Gleno Prison and the supply of uniforms for prison guards should be addressed, with prosecution to the end so that all can see that there is a commitment address this type of misconduct,” Edio suggested.

The New Prima: Zenilda Pulled Out?

The recent story that the Prime Minister of Timor-Leste gave a multi-million dollar contract to his daughter Zenilda Gusmao now appears to have a new intepretation. The Government has produced new records which show that while Zenilda was a shareholder of the company in the beginning that she sold her shares in September 2008 before Prima Food was awarded a $3.5 million dollar rice contract in November 2008.

According to the business registration September 2008 which Tempo Semanal has obtained it shows that the Director of Prima Food Lda, wrote to the Minister of Commerce, Gil Alves on 12 September 2008 to have a change in the company registration. In the first registration Xanana’s Daughter Zenilda Emilia Baptista Gusmao owned an 11.10% share but on the September document her name and ownership has been withdrawn with only 8 sharelholders total.

According to the business registration September 2008 which Tempo Semanal has obtained it shows that the Director of Prima Food Lda, wrote to the Minister of Commerce, Gil Alves on 12 September 2008 to have a change in the company registration. In the first registration Xanana’s Daughter Zenilda Emilia Baptista Gusmao owned an 11.10% share but on the September document her name and ownership has been withdrawn with only 8 sharelholders total.

According to the internal company note to the Minister it declares that declare that, “Ms Zenilda E. B. Gusmao as a member from Prima Food starting today Thursday, September 11^th 2008 will not participate any more in this company because so far she is not active in the meetings and other activities within the Prima Food Lda".

In the same letter they also state that Ms. Maria Angela Rangel and widow of the the former FRETILIN Deputy Speaker in the Parliament, Senhor Jacob Fernandes, Ms. Dulce Angela Fernandes bought Zenilda's share in Prima Food. This contract appears to have been given not exclusively to supporters of AMP, as Xanana’s government appears to be awarding contracts to most people in the Dili establishment - both in and out of Government.

“We the Government want all business people to participate and I don’t want to use a single own shareholder Company. If you all (Business people) agreed that means for each company minimum a joint venture by five people. All business gathers yourself then we will decide. Now we have the economy stabilisation funds for those who can imported first (rice) with how many (tons) and take how many months, who bringing in as it is and (Rice Quantity) arrived in what months? And who else can import these amount (rice) take till what months? There were 17 companies not only the once belongs to my daughter. From the 17 companies, each company involved many many people,” Said Xanana at the National Aiport press briefiing in July 2009 in return from medical treatment in Singapore.

Mr. Epifanio da Silva Faculto the director of Commerce at that time confirmed that Ms. Zenilda has resigned from Prima Food several months before the contract has awarded. “It’s true that Zenilda was a member in the beginning but later in the year she has not involved in the company,” he told Tempo Semanal in a phone interview.

But Mr. Arsenio Bano FRETILIN Vice President has rejected that Zenilda’s Resignation by said, “It’s not true. She was still member of the company when the contract was awarded.”

The Timorese politicians from all sides trying to use media to miss lead the public opinion,” said a source which doesn’t want to quote her name in this story.

She said she is from the opposition but she also disagrees with some attitude from some of her party members. “They are trying to discredited Xanana and latter people said every leader of this country are failed.”

Tempo Semanal Edisaun 150

Mari Alkatiri Alega Korrupsaun Buras Iha AMP Nia Ukun

Dili, Tempo Semanál

Kazu korrupsaun ne'ebé agora dau­daun mosu iha Governu Aliansa Maioria Par­lamentár (AMP) nia ukun to'o ohin lo­ron sai preokupasaun boot ba povu Timor Le­ste, liu – liu ba partidu opozisaun sira tanba kazu korrupsaun ne'ebé akontese la'ós ko­rrupsaun ida ne'ebé ki'ikoan ne'e duni pre­s­iza halo investigasaun lalais. Atu hatene klaru ko­mentáriu husi Partidu opozisaun nian tuir ma­i ita akompaña inter vista ezekutivu ne'ebé Jornalista Tempu Semanál halo ho Sekretáriu Jerál Partidu Fretilín Dr Mari Alkatiri iha semana foin lalais ne'e.

Oinsá pozisaun bankada Fretilín, liu-liu partidu opozisaun sira nia hare kona ba kazu korrupsaun ne'ebé agora daudaun akontese iha ita nia nasaun ?

Kestaun ne'e hanesan preok­up­a­saun boot tanba kazu korrupsaun ne­'­ebé akontese iha Governu Aliansa Ma­i­oria Parlamentár (AMP) nia laran la'ós kazu ki'ik maibé osan ne'e juta ba juta n­e'ebé ita bele dehan katak mai husi tasi mane no lakon de'it iha tasi feto ne­'ebé signifika hanesan, osan ne'ebé mai husi mina rai nian ne'e mout de'it iha rai maran no derrepente mosu fali iha rai seluk. Ita hotu hatene katak tinan rua ona Go­vernu defaktu AMP nia ukun (IV Go­v­ernu Konstituisaun) osan hira mak sira ga­sta ona no ninia rezultadu mak ida ne­'ebé, maibé iha tinan 2008 nia laran da­la barak sira ko'alia katak iha susesu balu ne'ebé sira halo ona tanba konsege re­zolve problema petisionáriu nian, re­z­olve problema Alfredo tanba Alfredo mate, nune'e mós sira dehan rezolve ona problema IDPs nian maibé ba ami ida ne'e seidauk rezolve mais hadi'a de'it pro­blema tanba osan ne'ebé petisionáriu no IDPs sira simu hotu tiha ona ne'e du­ni agora sira atu halo tan saida tanba la iha kampu de serbisu ne'ebé di'ak. Maski agora daudaun kazu Majór Alfredo nian ne'ebé akontese iha 11 de Fe­vereiru iha tribunál ona maibé to'o ohin loron sei konfuzaun hela tanba sei­d­auk hatene loloos se mak iha kotuk, se ma­k iha oin no mós se mak iha sorin ne'e duni problema hirak ne'e seidauk rez­o­lve ne'e duni susesu ne'ebé sira dehan ne'e susesu saida nian. Alende ne'e sira mós dehan katak, tinan 2009 hanesan tinan infraestrutura nin­i­an maibé realidade ita nunka hare infr­a­e­strutura tanba taka kuak iha lurón de'it mós la hatene tanba taka ohin aban nakloke fila fali nune'e mós infraestrutura hirak ne'ebé agora daudaun sira inaugura ne'e ami nian hotu.Osan barak- barak ne'ebé Milhoes ba Milhoes ne'e lakon ba iha ne'ebé hotu, nune'e mós ita hatene katak iha korrupsaun boboot maibé Governu la iha inisiativa di'ak atu kombate korrupsaun tanba kombate korrupsaun la'ós atu hari de'it komisaun anti korrupsaun (KAK) mais kombate korr­u­psaun hahú iha governu nia laran kedas ho sistema ida ne'ebé di'ak hodi nune'e bele impede no prevene korru­p­s­aun ne'ebé mosu. Sekarik sistema ne'e ita sobu tomak hotu ona no ema hotu-hotu la'o ho osan kes inklui mós diretora sira ne'ebé ninia ga­veta nakonu ho kes entaun saa jestaun mak ida ne'e tanba hotu – hotu ba foti osan iha banku hodi gasta ba mai de'it. Nune'e mós iha orsamentu ne'ebé de­h­an atu uza ba buat ida maibé sira gasta fali ba buat seluk depois to'o tempu atu presiza osan hodi uza dehan fali osan la iha ona tanba uza hotu ona. Maski agora daudaun provedór halo ona ninia investigasaun no rezultadu balu komesa fó sai ona para atu husu ba prokuradór jerál hodi investiga maibé kazu korrupsaun iha alfándega ás ba beibeik nune'e mós ate osan ne'e be fó ba ferik ho katuas sira ema balu sei kobra tan U$ 5 dolar entaun to'o bainhira loos mak inve­s­tigasaun ne'e atu hala'o. Nune'e mós projetu sira ne'e fó de'it no agora sira halo simulasaun hodi hatudu kat­ak iha konkursu maibé antes atu loke ko­nkursu sira rasik hatene ona se mak atu manan mais kuandu ema ne'e mak la manan entaun sira halo fali retender atu nune'e bele entrega ba ema ne'ebé sira hili.foin lalais mosu alegasaun korrupsaun ida ne'ebé mai husi Primeiru Ministru (PM) katak entrega projetu ba ninia família ne'e duni loos ka la loos tenke inv­e­stiga la'ós husik liu de'it depois dehan fali PM ninia família mós iha direitu atu moris. Sim,….sidadaun hotu – hotu iha dire­itu atu moris maibé buat hotu tenke liu husi prosedimentu no mós ten­ke tuir lei tanba kuandu la tuir lei no prosedura ne'ebé iha entaun ida ne'e signifika hanesan korrupsaun tanba iha jogu de influensia ne'e duni buat hirak ne'e hotu hamosu preo­k­upasaun boot tanba osan lubuk ne'ebé gasta hotu ona ne'e mak investe duni ho di'ak entaun oras ne'e dezenvolvimentu iha timor bele la'o ona ba oin.

Ohin ita boot ko'alia katak fó projetu ba família, maibé iha ne'e mosu alegasaun ida ne'ebé dehan katak iha momentu ita boot nia ukun mós hanesan ?

Sekarik ha'u fó projetu ba ha'u nia oan, ha'u nia maun ka ha'u nia kaben en­taun ha­'u dezafia PM Kay Rala Xa­n­ana Gusmão ho ­ninia Governu atu prova bu­at ida ne'e tan­ba ne'e mak ha'u dehan prosedura tenke iha no tenke respeita lei tanba ha'u nunka asi­na projetu ba ema ida liu-liu ba ha'u nia família ne'e du­ni ha'u dezafia. Tanba kritériu avaliasaun ba projetu te­nder ne'e téknika la'ós polítika ne'e duni té­kniku sira mak deside la'ós ha'u mak asina tan­ba ha'u nunka asina buat ruma.

Iha momentu ida ami husu pergunta s ba PM katak saida mak akontese iha kazu fó projetu ba nia oan, maibé PM esklarese katak husi nia parte hakarak atu halo investigasaun hahú husi tinan 2002 mai leten ?

Ha'u dezafia PM Xanana no husu atu lalika hahú de'it husi 2002 maibé di'ak liu ha­hú husi 2000 tanba iha momentu ne­'ebá ha'u mós hanesan ministru asu­n­tu ekonómiku de­pois mak ba Primeiru Ministru. Resposta ne'e hanesan resposta ida n­e'ebé moe la iha tanba ninia prinsípiu mak ha­nesan, ida seluk uluk halo entaun ha'u mó­s iha direitu atu halo maibé ku­a­ndu ida sel­uk uluk la halo depois mak ha'u halo ent­aun oinsá, ne'e duni karik ida seluk uluk halo mais la fó direitu ba nia atu halo tanba nia dehan tama para atu­ hadi'a la'ós tama hodi halo tuir fali.

Kazu korrupsaun ninia impaktu ba dezenvolvimentu ne'e oinsá?

Korrupsaun hotu-hotu signifika iha i­m­paktu negativu tanba kuandu iha korrupsaun ko­n­serteza ema lubun oan ida mak sai riku ba beibeik maibé barak liu mak kiak nafatin no ki'ik liu tan.Labele hanoin katak fó de'it U$ 20 dolar ba ema depois dehan katak rezolve ona pro­blema ema kiak nian, nune'e mós labele ha­noin katak sosa tratór no fahe naran – naran de'it ne'e hanesan ajuda ona agrikultór sira tanba sosa tratór ne'e hanesan projetu ida atu hatama osan iha sira nia bolsu maibé la'ós ho objetivu atu ajuda agrikultór, ne'e du­ni se kuandu sira ninia objetivu hakarak atu ajuda agrikultura entaun primeiru tenke or­ganiza uluk agrikultór sira hodi fó kap­a­s­itasaun ba sira para oinsá bele uza tratór ho d­i'ak, ida ne'e mak dehan ajuda tanba la'ós lori foos mai hodi fa'an baratu maibé hakarak obriga para ema halo natar. Ha'u la'ós dehan katak labele ajuda foos ba ema, maibé iha tempu krize ita presiza aj­uda duni mais ita labele halo jestaun ba rai ida ne'e katak tinan ba tinan sai hanesan em­erjénsia hela de'it entaun ida ne'e la loos tanba ita tenke iha konseitu dezenvolvimentu de progresu"

Maibé tuir PM katak kestaun ida ne'e hanesan reforma saun ?

Ita foin hari estadu iha tinan lima nia laran ha­nesan foin mak tau ai – rin maibé atu reforma saida entaun ida ne'e signifika atu atu sobu la'ós reforma tanba foin mak tau ai-rin no seidauk tau kakuluk maibé sira komesa sobu ona sistema hodi nune'e mak osan kes ta­ma gaveta ne'e.Hahalok ida ne'e loloos de'it ita fa'an s­as­aen iha kios tanba ema mai sosa sa­saen osan ita hatama ba gaveta ne'ebé iha lian po­rtugés hateten 'Jestaun de kan­toneiru' maibé jestaun estadu labele ha­nesan ne'e tanba estadu hanesan sistema ida ne'ebé hatuur hela iha ninia fatin ne'e duni osan hir­ak ne'e ninia fatin mak banku la'ós iha ga­veta diretór ka ministru ninian.

Karik ita boot iha dadus konkreta ruma ne'ebé hatudu katak família Ministru nian se mak agora riku liu?

Ha'u lakohi temi ema nia naran mais hakarak hateten katak buat ne'ebé bolu sinál da rikeza ne'e ita hare momoos tanba ema ne'­ebé tinan rua ba kotuk la iha buat ida ma­is agora iha raketa rua ou tolu ne'e duni si­nál da rikeza hatudu katak to'o ona atu halo inisiasaun hodi halo investig­a­s­aun tanba nu­sa mak ema ida manan mil dolar kada fulan be­le hetan lalais raketa rua ka tolu iha ninia uma, karik ita presiza ha­tene iha rendimentu seluk ka la iha". Bainhira atu ko'alia kona ba korr­up­s­a­un iha ha'u nia ukun hanesan PM "ha'u bolu kedas inspetór jerál no halo kedan de­spaxu hodi investiga ne'e duni iha ha'u nia tempu kazu ne'ebé investiga kuaze 60 resin. Maski iha momentu ne'ebá pro­v­e­dór seidauk iha, maibé kuandu inspetór jer­ál hala'o ona inve­s­ti­gasaun la iha membru governu ida ne'ebé atu nega hodi fó informasaun no dokumentu mais iha tempu agora ha'u la hare tanba dehan katak hein fali KAK mak sei halo serbisu entaun to'o bain hira loos maka atu hala'o.Nune'e mós dehan fali katak kuandu KAK mak mai entaun sira sei ke'e hahú husi 2002 maibé signifika katak antes atu ke'e husi 2002 nian mai to'o 2007 governu ida ne'e liu no balu halai tiha ona. Ha'u sente fasil ba governu ida ne'e atu he­tan informasaun kona ba governu interiór ni­nian purke agora sira mak ukun no mós d­okumentu hotu iha ne'ebá, ne'e duni di'ak liu publika buat sira ne'e hotu katak governu uluk iha korrupsaun maibé tanba saida to'o agora sira seidauk publika no dehan fali sira lakohi atu mai ke'e. Ha'u la'ós dehan katak governu ida uluk ne'e 100% mós maibé iha sistema nia laran imp­osivel iha korrupsaun.

Governu AMP dehan katak sira susesu tanba hakarak atu dada pipeline mai TL?

Bom.... se sira konsege dada pi­­pe­lina mai TL entaun ha'u fo par­a­béns ba sir­a purke ita hotu manan nune'e mós da­la barak ha'u hateten ba ema wodside nian katak maski ha'u la'ós ona iha Go­vernu maibé defende nafatin katak pipeline ten­ke mai TL ha'u la hare Governu nia ka­pa­si­dade atu hala'o programa kalen­d­á­riu ida hodi halo negosi­as­a­un tanba sira so hatene de'it mak halo wor­s­h­o­p n­o sem­i­náriu, maibé ida ne'e la'ós neg­osiasaun tan­ba wo­rshop ho se­min­áriu ne'e atu halo estudu de té­k­nik­u mais estudu ték­niku ne'e atu fó ma­i ita instrumentu ho­di ita bele uza halo negosiasaun, no nego­si­a­s­aun ne'e ita tenke ha­tene ohin atu uza sai­da no a­ban atu u­za saida, la'ós bu­at ne'e ita pu­blika tomak hotu tiha de­pois dehan tenke mai entaun ida ne'e hatudu katak ita la iha kap­as­ida­de atu halo negósiu.

Uluk Presidente da Repúblika hu­su ha'u atu lider a prosesu ida ne'e tanba ha­nesan Timor oan ne'ebé hakarak pip­e­line mai iha ne'e entaun ha'u simu maski be­le dehan katak tudik kro'at ida iha ha'u nia sorin – sorin tanba kuandu ha'u simu m­ak buat ne'e di'ak no susesu entaun susesu ne'e sira nian maibé bainhira ha'u simu tiha mak buat ne'e sai aat entaun insusesu ne'e ha'u nian.Maski nune'e ma­ibé ha'u simu nafatin, mais komu labarik balu CNRT nian iha Parlamentu hakilar ka­tak la di'ak entaun ha'u labele atu ba halo nego­siasaun iha ne'ebá se kuandu e­ma fai hela tudik husi ha'u nia kotuk tanba ida ne'e bele halo ha'u la susesu.

Kuandu hakarak atu ha'u avansa ba nego­siasaun entaun ema hotu – hotu tenke fó apoiu ba ha'u maibé kuandu kom­esa kritika ona di'ak liu lalika maibé ha'u de­fende nafatin katak pipeline tenke mai TL.

Foin lalais organizasaun Labeh husu Vise PM ba Asuntu Admin­is­tr­as­aun Governasaun atu rezigna an tanba dehan katak loron 100 ona maibé nia la halo buat ida. .?

Laiha parte ida iha mundu mak dehan katak ema ida konsege kombate korrupsaun iha 100 dias nia laran ne'e duni ita tenke onestidade tanba NGO sira keta hanoin katak buat sira ne'e atu halo naran – naran de'it. Ha'u mós hateten katak Eng. Mário Viegas Carrascalão sei la kons­eg­e atu halo buat ruma tanba fatin ne'e nia funsaun la'ós mesak ba ema ida nia­n", nune'e mós ha'u sente susar tebes – tebes bainhira hatama de'it ema ida para atu muda tanba kuaze Inst­i­tu­i­saun governu nian hotu hotu halo kor­r­upsaun ne'e duni uluk nanain tenke halo mudansa ba sistema atu nune'e bel­e taka odamatan ba korrupsaun no la'ós atu loke fali odamatan no janela ba korrupsaun depois mak hatama de'it ema ida atu kombate. Sr. Mário Carrascalão hanoin kat­ak sistema ne'e hanesan provínsia nian, maibé lae ida ne'e oin seluk tanba ul­uk sistema Indonézia sira mak monta no ­agora ne'e ita mak tenke hari ita nia sist­ema rasik.

Tuir ita boot nia hare buat ne'ebé Vise PM Mário Carrascalão halo ne'e iha mudansa ka oinsá?

Sekarik ha'u mak iha Sr Mário Carrascalão nia fatin entaun ha'u halo se­rbisu barak no ko'alia menus, maibé ag­ora nia tama tiha iha governu no en­vezde nia atu lori kazu balu ba ko­nsellu ministru hodi debate maibé to'o ikus nia rasik mak ko'alia fali ba públiku ka­tak korrupsaun iha 50% mais tuir lol­oos nia labele ba iha públiku hodi fó fali kritika ba Governu ida ne'e.Uluk iha ha'u nia governu Pre­si­de­n­te da Repúblika agora daudaun ne'e mós hanesan ne'e tanba nia hola parte iha governu mais nia kritika fali governu mais la lori ba konsellu de Ministru.

Karik ida ne'e signifika katak governu nia laran iha opozisaun ?

opozisaun bele iha governu nian laran, maibé opozisaun ne'e tenke kon­strutivu hodi lori sasaen ba kons­ellu ministru no diskute ho PM atu para atu hadi'a la'ós ba fali deklara iha públiku katak korrupsaun 50% ona ne­'e duni se kuandu ha'u mak bele prende ema entaun Komarka Bekora nakonu ona. Sekarik nia rekoñese katak labele atu halo buat ida entaun di'ak liu rezi­gna an mais la'ós tanba 100%. Nu­ne'e mós inves de nia ko'alia aat Go­v­ernu entaun di'ak liu sa'e atu nune'e nia labele fo'er atu nune'e sira seluk de'it mak mesak fo'er.

Karik liafuan ne'ebé Sr Mário Carrascalão ko'alia ne'e fó vantajen ba opozisaun?

Sim.. naturalmente fó vantajen ba opozisaun, maibé ha'u ko'alia tuir ne­sesidade instituisaun estadu nian atu servisu loloos tanba ohin sira mak uk­un no aban Fretilín mak ukun fali ne'e d­uni sekarik Ministru ida mak iha Fr­e­tilín nia laran envezde atu lori sasan ba konsellu Ministru mais nia koa'lia fali ba liur entaun ha'u hasai kedas ni­an sekarik ha'u mak Primiriu Ministru tanba uluk ne'e mak tolera Dr Jose Ramos Horta maibe aban bain rua sei la tolera tan ema ida.

Agora daudaun ema balu hahú fó komentáriu katak sei iha grupu elit husi membru governu ou membru órgaun de soberania sira kria hela elit para bele ukun to'o rai ida ne'e no sira agora asesu ba podér depois asesu tan iha rikeza ?

Lala'ok hirak ne'e hanesan sis­t­e­ma Soeharto nian ne'ebé bolu naran sis­tema de kompadriu tanba ita hare mo­moos katak iha ne'ebá ne'e mesak kompadre no komadre sira de'it mak hamutuk, nune'e mós tanba la iha part­i­du ida mak hanesan Fretilín hodi halo opozisaun tanba ne'e mak nia monu mais agora lae tanba iha o­na partidu istóriku ne'ebé mak halo opozisaun ba buat hirak ne'e hotu tan ne'e sira ne'ebé na'ok osan no halo korrupsaun pre­para an tanba kuandu ami fila kons­erteza Voeberek sei loke fila fali tanba komarka Bekora de'it la to'o.­

­­Oinsá ita boot nia hare kona eis militár Indonéziu nian ne'ebé uluk ko­mete mos krime maibé agora daudaun he­tan projetu husi Governu. ?

Ha'u rasik la kompriende saa tipu aliansa mak ida ne'e, aliansa naturál, desnatural no kontra naturál purke ida ne'e aliansa kontra natureza tanba ba sosa fali kilat ka ekipamentu forsa armada nian husi militár ne'ebé ke kontra natureza entaun nia atu lori kilat ne'e mai husi ne'ebé. Uluk iha tempu gerrilla nian ita sosa kilat husi militár indonézia tanba sira na'ok husi kuartél mai fa'an ba ita maibé agora ita hakarak atu sira na'ok iha indonézia hodi lori mai ita, maibé atu sosa kilat hakarak hateten de'it katak ohin loron negósiu sosa kilat ne'e kontroladu no tenke tuir dalan no lei tanba selae aban bain rua ema bele dehan ita halo tráfiku ilegál, ne'e duni kuandu estadu ida mak halo fali tráfiku ilegál da armas entaun estadu ida ne'e hanesan estadu bandidu. (ts)

Amo Basilio: Korrupsaun TL Hanesan 'Benang Kusut'

Baucau,Tempo Semanál

Maski Nasaun Timor-Leste ezemplu hanesan labarik ne'ebé foin aprende atu tuur metin, maibé problema korrupsaun sai han­e­san moras aat ida hodi empata dadaun bebe oan ne'e hodi tur mesak tanba tuir rea­l­idade ne'ebé hatudu TL koñesidu korrupsaun boot liu iha mundu. Hodi nune'e kuandu halo kom­p­a­r­a­saun sai hanesan 'benang ku­sut,' kuandu dada obriga sei kotu no­ la aproveita. Atu hatene di'ak liu saida tuir Igreja nia haree entaun tuir mai akompaña hamutuk da­da lia ne'ebé TS hala'o ho Bispo Dioseze Baucau Dom Basílio do Nascimento, han­e­san tuir mai ne'e. Tuir observasaun Je­rál Timor-Leste ne'e la'ós krize polítika ou kri­ze mentalidade ema nian, maibé tanba krize Kultura no krize valores.Tanba ne'e ham­osu korrupsaun barak iha Nasaun nurak ho tinan 10 indepen­dén­sia, korrupsaun ne'e rasik hamate valores Ukun An no ida ne'e mo­ras aat ida ne'ebé la di'ak ba Nasaun, inklui sei fo konsekuénsia ba dezen­vo­l­v­i­me­n­tu Nasionál.

Oinsá Amo nia haree Prosesu Jul­g­a­mentu ne'ebé la'o daudaun ba arguidu Gastão Salsinha ho nia grupu kona ba hahalok krime atentadu 11 Fevereiru 2008?

Ha'u gosta hare katak, prosesu Justisa la'o daudaun iha Timor-Leste, tanba pro­b­l­e­­ma atentadu ida ne'e problema Timor oan tomak sira nian. Problema ne'e la'ós de'it po­vu TL mak hein rezultadu, maibé opin­i­aun Komunidade Internasionál moos hein pr­­o­­­sesu atentadu 11 Fevereiru atu fo rezu­l­tadu saida mak Estadu bele fo nune'e atu ema hotu hatene. Ita hotu sei hanoin katak, akontesimentu at­entadu ha'u bolu akontese ida ne'e ha­ne­s­an mistériu ida. Katak akontesimentu mo­su duni, maibé ita la hatene loloos. Tanba ida ne­'e ho okaziaun no iha tempu, liu husi Jus­tisa atu ita hatene kona ba lia loos ba ako­n­t­e­simentu ida ne'e. Altura ne'ebá ita rona isu-isu no rumoris ba­rak-barak, lider sira deskonfia ba malun, pa­rtidu polítika sira soe fo'er ba malun. Tan ne'e prosesu Justisa kuandu hala'o atu hatudu katak se mak sai xave ba ako­n­te­s­imentu 11 Fevereiru 2008, ne'e mak arguidu Salsinha ho nia grupu ne'ebé tuir prosesu Julgamentu.Too ona tempu atu Timor oan tomak rona lia loos husi Sr. arguidu Salsinha ho nia gru­pu, depois de ida ne'e ida-idak sei res­p­on­sabiliza ba nia hahalok no simu nia kon­s­ek­u­énsia. Iha aprovasaun no iha tes­t­emuña katak arguidu sira ne'e sala entaun si­mu nia kon­sekuénsia. Nune'e ba ida ne'­ebé de­s­k­o­nfia de'it no ida ne'ebé soe fo'er ba malun de'it, iha tempu atu hadi'a no ha­m­o­os fali sira nia naran.

Too oras ne'e iha ona ema na'in 20 ne'ebé tuir prosesu Julgamentu, karik sira ne'e sai arguidu hotu?

Ha'u hanoin ida ne'e prosesu Tribunál ninian, tanba ne'e husik ba Tribunál mak rona lia no tesi lia, tanba prosesu ida ne'e mak sai hanesan dasi, hodi hare ho matan mos se mak sala no se mak la sala.

Iha Prosesu ne'e kuandu temi Lider no ukun na'in ruma nia naran oinsá?

Sim, kuandu temi sai lider nia naran ne'e kategoria akuzasaun ona, depois Tribunál sira mak sei hare fali katak, ema nia naran ne'ebé temi iha prosesu Justisa ne'e loos ou lae. Tanba Prosesu Julgamentu ne'e hahú ona prosesu Justisa. Agora saida mak iha aku­zasaun ne'e nia laran. Nehek saida mak iha laran, ular ho sakunar sira. Lalar saida-sa­ida mak tama iha laran, karau vaka no timur hira mak envolve, karau balun mutin no metan, prosesu Justisa sei hare no kaer ida-idak atu halo investigasaun atu naran si­ra ne'ebé temi ne'e sai Lia Loos ida ka lae

Amo iha esperansa katak prosesu ne'e sei hetan Lia Loos?

Ha'u nia esperansa ne'e hateten katak, primeiru rai Timor ne'e hakmatek ho ak­o­n­t­e­s­imentu atentadu 11 Fevereiru, hafoin ida ne­'e akuzadu no arguidu sira ne'e sei simu nia konsekuénsia, hafoin atu bele simu fali nia naran atu moos.

Ba Justisa rasik kuandu fo duni rezultadu mak prosesu Justisa la'o duni ona ho di'ak no kapás no haboot Justisa Timor nia naran iha Timor-Leste. Katak maski Justisa Timor nia­­n la'o ho neineik liu no kleur, maibé Justisa ha­la'o duni no hatudu ba povu Timor tomak no ­komunidade Internasionál katak, prosesu Judisiáriu hala'o duni ninia knaar ho di'ak. Tanba sistema Judisiáriu ne'e liu husi ha­halok, tanba ha'u hanoin katak sistema Ju­disiáriu ne'e iha la'ós de'it uma ka edifísiu Tr­ibunál, maibé iha aktore hotu-hotu, Pro­k­ur­adór, Juis no Polisia, ne'e mak tama iha pr­osesu ida ne'e nia laran atu haboot liu tan.

Timor-Leste nia naran hahú aat iha ko­m­unidade Internasionál nia matan tan­b­a alegasaun KKN atuasaun saida mak PM Xanana pratika atu hadi'a fali imajen Timor?

Bainó, korrupsaun ne'e iha fatin hotu-hotu akontese no iha , maibé atu prova korr­u­p­­saun ne'e susar la halimar. Tanba ne'e de­­­zde Governu Fretilín too Governu AMP iha buat ida naran korrupsaun, hodi hateten ka­tak, ida ne'e mak korrupsaun no lider sira mak koruptor, ema hateten bei-beik de'it. Ma­ibé moos too agora ha'u hein katak, korr­u­p­s­aun ne'e mai husi ema lanu aat ida, hodi halo korruptu ida ne'e no korruptu ida ne'ebá.

Korrupsaun pur ezemplu foin daudauk, ha'u rona tratór nian ne'e. Maibé Vise PM As­­untu Administrasaun Ir. Mário Viegas Ca­r­rascalão nia ibun liu husi televizaun hat­e­ten, nia rasik hare ho matan no la iha duni kor­­rupsaun iha primeiru faze. Maibé moos faze ida ne'e la akontese korrupsaun.

Maibé, iha Parlamentu Nasionál hakilar beibeik katak, korrupsaun ne'e iha no mos ita rona husi lurón katak korrupsaun ne'e iha?

Agora moos ita hare rezultadu balun hat­u­d­u daudaun, ba ema ne'ebé mak simu saláriu la too atu halo uma boot no uma an­dár 'rumah bertingkat' derrepente de'it mosu uma boot ne'ebé mak ho kondisaun di'ak. Nune'e moos funsionáriu sira balun ne'ebé ho 'gaji' natoon de'it derrepente de'it karreta no oan sira moos iha hotu karreta tolu, entaun osan sira ne'e mai husi fatin ruma karik. Domingu semana mai oin ne'e liturjia sei kolia kona ba ida ne'e. Evanjellu Do­m­i­ngu ne­'e nia multiplika dos País ne'ebé Jesus ha­lo paun sai barak. Entaun ita iha Ti­mor ha­lo Milagre boot ida, ema sira ne­'­ebé mak kiak sai riku derrepente de'it. Je­sus nian ne'e halo Milagre halo paun sai barak, maibé Milagre ita Timor nia dehan halo korrupsaun. Milagre Jesus nian ne'e paun sai barak ho testemuña s Ap­óstolu sira nian. Maibé, milagre ita Timor ni­an ne'e halo duni paun sai barak, maibé ba de'it ema ida no ema balun de'it mak he­tan iha nia liman. Tanba ne'e buat ida ne­'e atu la'o oinsá ita sei la hatene loloos, ma­ski ita hatene katak, ko­r­rupsaun ne'e iha ninia konsekuénsia. Tanba ne­'e ku­andu ita atu aprova katak, Lider ida ne'e halo korrupsaun maibé antes osan ne'e too iha fatin ida liu ona husi ema barak nia liman.

Karik hari tan KAK bele rezolve?

Ha'u hein katak, Komisaun Anti Korr­u­p­s­a­un (KAK) ne'e funsiona duni, maibé iha belun polítiku ida ema li'ur, nia dehan ha­n­e­s­an ne'e:Komisaun ne'e dala barak la halo bu­at ida. Komisaun sira ne'e ema halo no h­a­ri la'ós atu rezolve problema s, maibé atu ha­­maus no hametin ema nia laran. Tanba ku­andu ita moris ho pro­b­l­e­m­a, ema dehan imi lalika preokupa tanba ami halo ona Komisaun ida hodi rezolve imi nia problema s sira ne'e.Kuandu povu rona ona informasaun Ko­misaun sira ne'e mak povu nia laran sei mate no metan. T­anba ne'e Komisaun ne'­e hari atu rezolve problema, ha'u ha­noin sei la rezolve problema s,tanba dala ba­rak la rezolve problema.Maibé, Komisaun ne'e rasik sei mul­tiplika hodi dada tempu no dada tempu, bai­nhira too loron ida ema kuandu haluha ona prontu Komisaun moos lakon ona. Pelu­menus halo netik buat ruma atu depois ita hare katak funsionamentu Komisaun ne'e la'o duni ho responsabilidade.

Públika sai ona katak, dezde Governu Fretilín too agora Korrupsaun sa'e too 50 %?

Loos, tanba mai duni, husi Vise PM Carrascalão nia ibun ne'e todan, tanba ema ida ne'e iha duni esperiénsia uluk nian katak Anti Korrupsaun ne'e boot ida. Tanba ne'e bainhira Ir. Carrascalão simu responsabilidade asuntu Sosiál nian. Ha'u laran metin no hanoin katak, nia hatene buat barak, maibé moos Ir. Carrascalão mesak de'it. Ne'e duni nia moos labele too iha fatin hotu-hotu. Ita iha Ir. Carrascalão 50 karik entaun buat korrupsaun ne'e sei la'o loos liu. Tanba husi 50 ne'e rasik sei hare ba problema ida-idak no servisu ida-idak iha Governu nia laran. Maibé, tanba nia me­s­ak entaun nia moos labele halo buat ida atu hare 50%, ne'e Ir. Carrascalão hat­e­t­en buat ne'e tanba nia hatene buat barak, maibé nia labele lolo liman ba fatin hotu.

Maske KKN ne'e iha 50% maibe iha realidade fo konsekuensia diak ruma ba dezenvolvimentu?

Boun, buat ida korrupsaun ne'e sempre nunka halo di'ak, tanba korrupsaun ne'e halo inferiór oin-oin, interiór droga nian. Interiór alkol nian, interiór Kons­ti­tu­i­s­aun nian, depois mosu tan sosiedade Se­k­retu, sosiedade paralelu sira ne'e, hodi org­aniza sira nia an hanesan fali Governu, hafoin buat ida osan ne'e for­te liu fali Est­a­du. Forte liu fali militár, nune'e moos osan ne­'e bolu In Polisia, entaun buat ida osan ne'e nia dalan mak Korrupsaun.

Matenek balun aproveita no gosta ho atitude KKN, tuir Amo nia hanoin?

Kuandu ita kolia hanesan mehi h­a­karak atu buat hotu lakon, maibé iha fatin hotu-hotu no iha sosiedade hotu buat ida ne­'e akontese. Korrupsaun ne'e bele dim­inui no bele hamenus, lakon ne'e nunka mais atu lakon.

Mais atu too ida ne'e Autoridade sira nia polítika no Tribunál sira mak ten­ke ma­k­aas atu luta hasoru matenek na'in sira ne­'e. Depois iha moos es­p­e­s­ialista sira te­nke ba suut iha fatin hotu. Ezemplu esp­e­sialista sira tenke halo peskiza saun kona ba Admin­is­tr­a­saun no ekonomia nian, tenke kont­ro­la buat sira ne'e tenkesér iha e­ma sira ne'ebé makaas no ema ne'e te­n­ke moos. Dala barak moos hirak ne'ebé ha­lo kontrola, kuandu ema tau tiha mina nu­'u iha sira nia liman, entaun inves de sir­a mak halo kontrola ho di'ak, maibé sira mak namdoras uluk ona.

Ida ne'e karik ita kategoria bas a ida?

Ida ne'e krize Kultura no krize va­lores katak, korrupsaun ne'e hamate va­lores. Foin daudauk ha'u rona istéria ida Sekretaria ida husi Presidente Instituisaun ida nian moos ema ba husu atu hasuru Presidente Instituisaun ne'e Sekretaria ne'e kobra fali osan. Entaun kuandu imi jornalista sira hakarak mai kolia ho ha'u tenke ha'u fo hatene ha'u nia Sekretaria hodi husu ka kobra osan ba imi.Maibé, se ita halo buat ida ne'e hanesan Kultura entaun Timor ne'e ita lori ba iha ne'ebé. Tanba ne'e mak korru­psaun ne'e la'ós krize mental­i­da­d­e ou krize buat seluk tan, maibé krize valór no krize Kultura nian.Tanba ne'e ita Timor oan sira tenke hanoin hamutuk atu oinsá ita Timor ne'e lab­ele sai na'ok teen hanesan ema sel­u­k. Ita Timor ne'e kopia de'it mak ema nia aat sira ne'e iha ita nia rain, kom­p­o­rtamentu ema nian la di'ak ita moos halo tuir hotu.

Sa ida mak bele halo para hetan Solusaun ruma ?

Atu fo nia solusaun ba hahalok sira ne'e liu husi eskola no edukasaun kompletu, liu husi família no liu husi so­s­iedade, tanba edukasaun ne'e h­a­t­e­t­en ba ita katak, atu fo naroman ba ita nia neon hodi halo di'ak no atu moris di'ak.Tanba ne'e liu husi oportunidade ita boot sira nia komunikasaun sosiál, ha­karak hateten katak, ita Timor ne'e sei­­dauk iha konsiénsia katak, ita Timor ne'­e Independente ona. Maibé, ita Timor ne'e hein de'it ema seluk mak mai atu rezolve ita nia problema rasik. Kuandu ha'u iha problema tenke hatene katak, ha'u mak rezolve ha'u nia problema, ne'e duni ha'u la sente katak Timor ne'e ha'u nia hanesan ha'u pertense ba Nasaun ida no povu ida, se Timor ne'e di'ak ha'u moos di'ak, se Ti­mor ne'e aat entaun ha'u moos aat. Tanba ne'e ita Timor oan sira labele ho mentalidade ida ne'e. Ou keta balun hanoin ho mentalid­a­de Antigu Kombatente s tenke ha'u mak uluk, se ha'u mak Antigu no eis Go­­­vernante ha'u mak tenke uluk, ent­a­un tau uluk fali ita nia interese, maibé la tau uluk interese Nasaun nian, tan­ba ne'e ita Timor oan ida-idak mak te­nke responsavel ba Nasaun ne'e nia di'ak.(but)