SEE LOs Lakon Iha PN: Plenaria La Vota ba Suspensaun Vice PM Maibe Planu Mosaun Kontra PJR

Tempo Semanal-Dili, 07.03.2011

Breking News

Tuir ajenda Parlamentu Nasional ohin deputadu sira atu vota ba proposta ida kona ba suspensaun ka la’e vice Primeiru Ministru ho Ministru Estatal no ordenamentu do territorio DR. Arcanjo Leite.

Maibe tuir dokumentus ida husi komisaun I Parlamentu nasional ne’ebe lidera husi Deputada Fernanda Lay dekreta momoos dehan sei la iha votasaun iha parlamentu nasional ba proposta suspensaun ba membru do Governu nain rua ne’e. Nune'e sei la iha suspensaun iha dicionariu parlamentu ohin loron ne'e.

Kazu kontra membru do Governu AMP sira ne’e halai sai ona husi justica fila ba kruzamentu politika ninian hafoin tribunal distrital Dili rejeita hodi julga alegasaun koluiu hariku aan hamutuk hasoru vice PM DR. Jose Luis guterres iha loron 02/03/2011 no adia ba loron 11-14/04/2011.

Tuir Fontes Tempo Semanal iha Parlamentu Nasional mos dehan katak sei mosu fali mosaun la fiar hasoru Prokuradora Jeral da Republika.

Iha kazu alegasaun kontra membru do Governu AMP tuir fontes refere indika katak sei la iha suspensaun tan ba kazu ne’e politika liu.

Tuir Deputadu ida husi bankada AMP dehan sira iha planu atu hato’o proposta mosaun ida kontra Prokuradora Jeral da Republika ba meja Parlamentu iha tempu badak.

Iha kazu Justica mistura ho Politika ne’e hatudu momoos ona katak orgaun do estadu sira iha nasaun ne’e hahu soke malu no ninia rezultadu ita sei hein de’it. Sera kee Ministeiru Publiku maka sei manan hodi sulan membru do Governu sira ne’ebe kona alegasaun KKN no abuzu de poderes, ka politika maka sei raut taxu hodi husu suspensaun ba Prokuradora Jeral da Republika kona ba lee sai naran ema hirak ne’ebe ministeiru publiku allega ona.  (TS)

Konfigurasi Suku, Kunci Pelengseran Kadhafi

Oleh George Junus Aditjondro

Betulkah Libya terancam perang saudara, setelah massa oposisi b.rhasil membentuk pemerintahan sementara di Benghazi, di sebelah timur Tripoli?  Betulkah oposisi terhadap sang diktator hanya terpusat di Libya Timur, sementara rakyat di bagian Barat negeri itu kompak mendukung Kadhafi? Lalu, nanti setelah Kadhafi berhasil dilengserkan, struktur sosial apa yang dapat dipakai untuk membangun kembali negeri kaya minyak itu, di mana belum ada partai politik serta organisasi masyarakat sipil yang kuat, seperti al-Ikhwanul Muslimin di Mesir?

Di sinilah letak perbedaan antara Libya dan kedua negara tetangganya, Tunisia dan Mesir, di mana rakyatnya  telah lebih dulu menggulingkan diktatornya. Kunci perbedaannya terletak di  konfigurasi  antara 140 suku, marga (clan), dan keluarga besar di negeri padang pasir yang kaya minyak itu. 

Seperti dikemukakan sejumlah peneliti dari London School of Economics, Study and Research Center for the Arab and Mediterranean World, Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies di Kairo,  serta majalah Der Spiegel di Jerman, keberlangsungan rezim Kadhafi, sangat tergantung pada balance of power  di antara suku-suku itu. Soalnya, suku Ghadafa dari mana Kadhafi berasal, hanyalah satu suku kecil dari bangsa Berber  yang berpola hidup Badawi (bedouin) yang termasuk penduduk asli Afrika Utara. Demi eksistensi politiknya, suku Ghadafa berkoalisi dengan suku-suku yang lebih besar, khususnya suku Magariha, yang paling lama dan paling erat hubungannya dengan rezim Kadhafi selama empat dasawarsa pemerintahan sang diktator.

Suku ini merasa berhutang budi pada Kadhafi, yang telah mengusahakan pembebasan seorang anggota suku ini, Abl Basst al-Mgrahi, dari penjara di Scotlandia karena keterlibatannya dalam pemboman pesawat Pan Am di Lockerbie. Kendati demikian, banyak anak muda suku ini ikut demo-demo anti-Kadhafi di Libya Timur dan Selatan.

Sementara itu, oposisi terkuat berpusat di Benghazi, basis suku Warfalla yang berjumlah sejuta jiwa, seperenam dari seluruh penduduk Libya. Ini suku terbesar di antara 20 suku yang banyak jumlah warganya, dan tadinya dipercayai oleh Kadhafi untuk mengisi aparat keamanannya. Namun suku ini yang pertama berbalik mendukung  oposisi. 

Perwira-perwira suku ini sudah pernah sebelumnya memberontak terhadap Kadhafi di tahun 1993, karena merasa dianaktirikan oleh sang diktator, yang hanya memberikan mereka posisi-posisi no. 2 di korps perwira Libya.

Selanjutnya, Misurata adalah suku terbesar di Libya Timur, yang juga berpusat di kota-kota Benghazi dan tetangganya, Darneh. Suku ini juga sudah bergabung dengan oposisi.

Kuatnya gerakan oposisi di Libya Timur tidak berarti suku-suku di Libya Tengah dan Barat masih setia mendukung Kadhafi. Sheikh Faraj al-Zuway dari suku  Zuwaya (= al-Zawiya) di kawasan Libya Tengah yang kaya minyak, sudah mengancam akan memotong pipa minyak ke Libya Barat serta  jalur ekspor minyak Libya, kalau kekerasan terhadap para demonstran tidak dihentikan. 

Sebelumnya, suku Tuareg yang semi-nomadis dari  Libya Selatan, sudah bergabung dengan gerakan oposisi. 

Akhirnya perlu dicatat peranan suku-suku di perbatasan Libya dan Mesir, yang mendukung perjuangan saudara-saudara mereka di Libya dengan bantuan tempat tinggal sementara yang aman, obat-obatan, susu onta, dan makanan. 2  juta orang itu, yang hidup dari beternak onta dan bertani gandum, melon, dan buah zaitun, juga berjasa menangkap seorang kaki tangan Kadhafi yang datang ke Kairo untuk menyewa pesawat untuk menerbangkan tentara bayaran  yang disewa  Kadhafi untuk menembak mati para demonstran.

Tinggal tentara bayaran serta pasukan khusus Libya yang dikomandani oleh putera-putera Kadhafi, sebagai ‘tameng hidup’ bagi sang diktator , setelah hampir semua kepala suku yang besar-besar, menegaskan oposisi mereka terhadap Kadhafi. 

Dukungan kepala-kepala suku, marga, dan keluarga-keluarga besar  itulah, selama 40 tahun sangat diandalkan oleh anak Baddawa pelaku kudeta tak berdarah tanggal 1 September 1969. Ia rangkul mereka dengan uang serta jabatan-jabatan strategis di militer . Tapi kini mereka buktikan mereka tidak bisa dibeli, dan satu per satu berbalik menentang sang diktator. 

                     Milisi Galaksi

Cara merangkul dan memecah belah suku-suku di daerah-daerah yang  bergolak, juga dikenal di negeri kita. Terutama di daerah-daerah di mana ada gerakan bersenjata yang berusaha memisahkan diri dari NKRI. Di masa DOM di Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam (NAD), aparat keamanan membentuk milisi pro-NKRI dengan merangkul suku Gayo di seputar Danau Laut Tawar, yang termasuk rumpun Melayu Tua, berbeda dengan mayoritas penduduk Aceh yang termasuk rumpun Melayu Muda. Bahasa, seni tari dan seni rupa orang Gayo pun berbeda dari orang pesisir. 

Selain suku Gayo dan  Alas, yang kini menghuni Kabupaten-Kabupaten Bener Meriah, Aceh Tengah, dan Gayo Luwes, organisasi milisi bernama Galaksi (Gayo, Alas, Sigli – seharusnya Singkil, GJA) juga merangkul transmigran dari Jawa, serta segelintir orang Aceh asli yang anti-GAM. 

Setelah perjanjian damai antara GAM dan Pemerintah RI di Helsinki, Galaksi bubar, tapi teror terhadap para caleg PA (Partai Aceh, eks GAM) mnjelang pemilu legislatif  2009 masih dijalankan oleh  PETA (Pembela Tanah Air), dan dipimpin oleh Bupati Bener Meriah, Ir. Tagore Abubakar. PETA dengan dukungan aparat bersenjata  berusaha menyabot kesepakatan damai di Helsinki, dengan memperjuangkan pemekaran NAD dengan dua provinsi baru, satu meliputi daerah asal suku-suku  Gayo dan Alas, dan satu lagi meliputi kabupaten -kabupaten di pesisir Barat NAD. 

Namun sampai saat ini, provinsi NAD masih tetap dapat dijaga persatuannya, dan pengaruh PETA tidak seberapa. Menurut sumber penulis, PETA hanya berhasil merangkul 5% orang Gayo. Selebihnya orang Jawa dan orang Aceh asli. Jadi walaupun anggota PETA tersebar dari Tanah Gayo sampai pesisir Barat Aceh, usaha pemekaran kedua provinsi baru itu, untuk mementahkan hasil-hasil kesepakatan damai di Helsinki, 15 Agustus 2007, sampai saat ini tidak berhasil. 

Makanya sebaiknya, para pendukung strategi memecah belah suku-suku di seluruh Nusantara, belajar dari kegagalan Moammer Kadhafi di Libya.

Penulis adalah pengajar di Program Studi Ilmu, Religi dan Budaya (IRB) Universitas Sanata Dharma, Yogyakarta, yang sejak 2007 meneliti rekonstruksi NAD pasca-tsunami dan pasca-Helsinki. 

Notte: DR. Aditjondro asked Tempo Semanal to publish this article. He said it has published by Suara Pembaruan,  Rabu, 2 Maret 2011

How Qaddafi’s Bloody Tsunami Hits Indonesia

By George Junus Aditjondro

Zulu kings, when they die and are buried, must take a big number of slaves with them to serve them into their after life. Such was practiced after Shaka, the Zulu king, was killed by his half-brother, Dingaan, in 1828. 

This tradition, which has been abolished in South Africa, together with the abolition of slavery in 1834, was also practiced  among certain  Dayak and Poso etho-linguistic groups in the past, where near the graves of their tribal elders, there are a number of unmarked graves of their slaves, who were also killed and buried to serve their masters in the after life. 

Probably, Libya’s self-appointed leader, Moammer al-Qaddafi, has this pre-Islamic image in mind, when he let his armed forces, police, snipers, mercenaries, and even fighter planes kill one thousand of his citizens, since the current Arab uprising swept into the oil rich country on February 16, starting in Libya’s second largest city, Benghazi. 

Ironically,  Qaddafi repeatedly told the demonstrators, that he refuses to step down, and will fight the opposition to his last drop of blood, and “die as a martyr (syahid).” This is completely ridiculous, because the struggle to end the Libyan dictatorship has already claimed 1,000 martyrs in Libya, much more than in any other Arabic nation in the fertile crescent around the Mediterranean Sea, from the Maghribi (West) to the Masyrik (East). 

Indonesia has felt the waves of the Libyan revolution, with the resignation of the Libyan ambassador to Indonesia, Salaheddin M. Al-Bishari, in protest against Qaddafi’s gross human rights violations. Other Libyan diplomats in India, Bangladesh, China, Malaysia, Australia, the USA, the Libyan mission at the UN, and in the Foreign Affairs Ministry in

Tripoli have taken similar steps. In addition, Libyan Justice Minister and Minister of Interior, have also resigned, in protest against the mass killings of unharmed civilians. 

On the economic front, Qaddafi’s blood thirsty repression of Libya’s demonstrators has caused a backlash for Indonesian corporations  in oil and gas explorations and civil engineering projects. 

Indonesia’s largest listed oil company, Medco Energi Internasional, and Indonesia’s state oil company, Pertamina, have curtailed their exploration activities as thousands of foreigners fled widespread bloodshed, with Norwegian energy company Statoil had begun evacuating its non-Libyan staff. 

Medco itself has about 80 personnel, including 15 Indonesians, at the field. The company had slowed drilling operations in its Area 47 oil and gas  block. Located in Libya’s Ghadames Basin, this bloc is estimated to hold about 2.15 billion barrels of oil equivalent. Medco had projected the bloc would produce between 50,000 to 100,000 barrels per day in 2014.  

Meanwhile, Pertamina had won tenders to manage the Sirt oil bloc with an estimated oil reserve of 400 million barrels and the Sabrata offshore oil bloc that has reserves of around 690 million barrels, through a joint venture with Libya’s National Oil Corporation, and had invested $100 million in those ventures.  

However, as far as employment opportunies are concerned, the biggest loss for Indonesian companies is experienced by civil engineering giant, PT WIKA (Wijaya Karya), which had to  evacuate 200 persons of its work force on Friday, last week, via Tunisia. They were working on a US$ 16 million project, building the interior of the Qirji Investment Complex in Tripoli. 

Those 200 workers are part of the Indonesian citizens whom the government plans to evacuate from Libya. 

Analysts at OSK Research and Mandiri Sekuritas  said that it was difficult to asses how the turmoil across the Arab world would affect the oil companies’ operations. Raditya Christian Artono, from Mandiri Sekuritas, however, said Medco’s future activity in Libya would depend on who would emerge as the country’s leader.  “If this unrest develops into a civil war, or if there is a new leader in Libya and he does not honor agreements made by the current government, then there will be a problem,” he said. 

Reuters reported that US crude futures hit a two-and-a-half year high on Tuesday, February 22, at $93.06 a barrel in New York after the violence in Libya led to 100,000 bpd of the country’s 1.6 million bpd oil output being taken offline.

Meanwhile, Bloomberg reported that the rupiah fell on Tuesday, by the most in more than a month on speculation investors were shunning emerging-market assets as the political turmoil in the Middle East spread. The rupiah fell 0.3 percent to 8,875 per dollar. Eventually, shares in Medco, fell 4 percent to close at Rp 3,025 (Jakarta Globe, Febr. 22, 2011).

A completely different feeling about the Libyan bloodshed exists among former GAM (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka) combatants, who had laid down their weapons and are currently re-building their homeland as businessmen and legislators – of the ruling Partai Aceh -- in the provincial and district parliaments in Aceh.  

In the late 1980s, thousands of them, then still young men, spent months doing military training in Libya as guests of Moammer al-Qaddafi. So, apart from the military training, they had benefitted from the hospitality of ordinary Libyan families, with whom they had socialized. 

Therefore, Acehnese and all other fellow humans should encourage a global boycot of Libyan oil and gas, and withdraw their investments from Libya, as long as Qaddafi is still at the helm of that country. 

The author teaches at the Religious and Cultural Studies post-graduate program at the Sanata Dharma University in Yogyakarta. 

Notte: DR. Aditjondro wished Tempo Semanal to published this article. The article has published by Jakarta Globe, February 2011.

Post-Mubarak Egypt and Post-Soeharto Indonesia

By George Junus Aditjondro

Now that Mubarak has been expelled from his throne, who will rule Egypt in the coming decades? The radical Muslim movement, Ichwanul Muslimin (the Muslim Brotherhood), popularly known as al-Ikhwan? Or the military, which has been instrumental in dethroning the increasingly unpopular dictator? 

Unlike the former Tunisian dictator, Ben Ali, his  Egyptian counterpart only moved his family to their holiday resort in  Sharm al-Sheikh, a Red Sea tourist resort on the Sinai peninsula. This shows that, just as in the case of Soeharto, the 82 year old former Air Force Admiral seems confident enough that no legal action will be taken to repatriate his overseas wealth, or confiscate his wealth in Egypt.

Mubarak’s family’s  wealth is worth between US$ 40 and 70 billion, which is safely stowed in European banks and in luxurious properties in Egypt, the U.K., France, and the U.S. This includes the 8,5 million poundsterling house at 28 William Street in Knightsbridge, London (Kompas, Feb. 14, 2011; Seputar Indonesia, Feb. 21, 2011). Soeharto’s family wealth of US$ 15 billion (Time,  May 24, 1999: 16).

The former Egyptian First Family’s departure from the palace yet still staying in Egypt seems to be a compromise between Mubarak and the armed forces, although it was Vice President Umar Sulaiman who announced the former president’s resignation. Thus, one can say that the general chief of the Armed Forces, Field Marshall Mohammed Hussein Tantawi, had carried out a blood less coup d’etat (Media Indonesia,  Feb. 14, 2011; Tempo, Feb. 20, 2011: 96). 

Tantawi and Umar Sulaiman are the two most probable heads of Egypt’s interim government, since they head the two most powerful factions in the Egyptian armed forces. Tantawi heads the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, or al-Geysh, while Umar Sulaiman oversees Egypt’s Intelligence Services, or al-Mukhabarat, which is loosely associated with the Army. 

Al Mukhabarat  is charged with international security and countering the external Islamist militant threat. Sulaiman does not have a strong base of support at home, but is strongly supported by  Washington and Tel Aviv, and is groomed by the US and Israel to become the next president. In contrast, Tantawi  has a domestic base of legitimacy and respect. So this plays out as a very critical struggle between Mukhabarat and Geysh, that is, between Sulaiman and Tantawi. Since the police and security forces have done most of the repressing and torturing, the Geysh has kept their hands clean. 

Tantawi  is very well trusted by the US, since he fought alongside US troops in the 1991 Desert Storm (Washington Post, Feb. 14, 2011). Nevertheless, as Egyptian political economist Samir Amin wrote in the Monthly Review  of Feb. 3, 2011, the US scenario for the post-Mubarak era is a combined regime of “political Islam” and the military intelligence, favoring Umar Sulaiman as the next Eyptian President. 

The fulfillment of this scenario will depend on the result of the forthcoming elections. In case of the parliamentary elections, Al-Ikhwan is likely to emerge as the key player. Washington has already baptised Al-Ikhwan, which currently favours the free-market system and took a position against the Egyptian workers’ strikes in 2008 – as “moderate”, rather than “fundamentalist”, according to Farooq Suleria’s analysis of the key players in Egypt’s political arena. 

Samir Amin’s forecast of post-Mubarak Egypt has already occurred in post-Soeharto Indonesia. An alliance between political Islam and active and retired generals have dictated Indonesia’s political arena. The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), one of the largest Islamic political parties, was inspired by Hasan Al-Bana (1906-1949), who founded Ikhwanul Muslimin. Al Bana’s books are also widely read by Indonesian Islamic activists. PKS’s ideology, however, has been tainted by pragmatic elements in the party, who nominated former Indonesian dictator Soeharto a national hero.

Meanwhile, Indonesia’s ruling parties have many retired generals in its top leadership, who are still very well respected by the military rank and file.

This alliance between political Islam and the intelligence network is strongly countered in the parliament by Megawati’s opposition party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P). Similarly, 18 days of anti-Mubarak demonstration on Tahrir Square brought together thousands of Muslims and Christians, nationalists, liberals and socialists, young and old, men and women, who will prevent Al-Ikhwan from writing the shariah law into the new Egyptian constitutions. 

Unfortunately, reflecting on the frequent religiously-motivated riots in Indonesia in recent years, this is what differentiates post-Mubarak Egypt from post-Soeharto Indonesia. The recent attacks on Ahmadiyah followers in Pandeglang, Banten, and on three churches in Temanggung, Central Java, are just examples of creeping religious intolerance.  

Since the Indonesian police seems to be powerless to quell and prevent these riots, although their intelligence agents had forehand information about the planned attacks, the riots promoters may have been associated with forces more powerful than the police. Or, as some analysts have concluded, the riots may have been part of the diplomatic pressure by Indonesian security forces to wrest more “security aid” from Western countries and Western corporations, to show those Western entities that Indonesia still harbors religiously-influenced “terrorists”. 

Hopefully, Egyptian minority groups, like Coptic Christians, will not suffer from this type of “homegrown terrorism”. 

The author teaches at the Religious and Cultural Studies post-graduate program at the Sanata Dharma University in Yogyakarta. 

Notte: DR. Aditjondro sent Tempo Semanal to republish this article which he said it's already published by The Jakarta Post, Friday, February 25, 2011,

PM Xanana Kuran Fiar Ba Zacarias Foo Fiar ba Emilia

Tempo Semanal-Dili, 05.03.2011

Di'ak liu lakon osan duke lakon konfiansa husi ita nia superior. Malisan husi lia dolin ida ne'e maka kona hela ba ukun sira iha nasaun ne'e ninian. Tuir fontes jornal ne'e iha IV Governu AMP nia laran dehan tan PM laran la metin ba Ministru Zacarias ne'e maka hodi tula todan ne'e ba Ministra Finansas. "Tuir estatutu organika konsellu dos Ministru ninian ne'ebe loos ne'e maka wainhira Primeiru Ministru la iha fatin sei entrega kna'ar organiza atividade governasaun ba ninia vice no bainhira Vice iha problema sei entrega ba ema ne'ebe numeru tuir kedan mak Ministru Negosiu estranjeiru," informa fontes ne'ebe husu atu labele publika ninia naran.

Bu'at ida ne'e maka akontese duni wainhira Primeiru Ministru husik hela Timor Leste iha meadu fulan Fevereiru ba USA entrega kna'ar organiza atividade Governasaun IV Governu  ninian ba nia vice. Maibe antes Primeiru Ministru ne'e fila fali mai Timor Leste vice PM, DR. Jose Luis Guterres rasik tenke ba marka prezenca iha tribunal iha loron 02/03/2011. Nune'e duni iha loron 28/02/2011, iha Havana, PM Xanana haruka surat ida ba Prezidenti da Republika hodi informa situasaun ne'ebe ninia vice PM enfrenta no foti DRA. Emilia Pires ba koordenadora atividade governasaun to'o PM Xanana fila hikas mai nia nasaun.

Ironia uitoan wainhira fontes ne'e dehan Ministra Finansas mos iha momentu ne'eba hala'o hela viajen ba ida ba estranjeiru. "Ministra Finansas iha hela vizita ida ba Australia no atu ba tuir enkontru importante ida husi Banku Mundial ninian iha Malasya maibe PM husu atu nia fila kedan mai TL hodi simu responsabilidade refere," dehan fontes ne'e.

Iha IV Governu konstitusional ninia laran Ministra finansas hanesan ema okupa numeru haat hafoin, PM, Vice PM, Ministru Negosiu Estranjeiru.

Nia hatutan katak, "tuir estrutura loloos ne'e MNE mak hetaan fiar PM ninian maibe tan ba problema krize de konfiansa PM ba ministru Zacarias ne'e maka PM haruka Ministra Finansas fila mai koordena Governu nia atividades."

Iha parte seluk Ministru Negosiu Estranjeiru ne'ebe iha hela Jakarta ba jornal ne'e nia informa liu husi sms ho diplomasia koko hamenus rumores ne'e. "ha'u iha jakarta lidera delegasaun ida boot besik 40 pessos husi Ministeiru hotu atu mai partisipa iha 5th joint ministerial Commission meeting, atu prepara mos vizita ofisial Senhor Primeiru Ministro nian ne'ebe sei hala'o iha 21 e 22 de Marco ba Indonesia, no entrega karta aplikasaun TL nian ba ASEAM," esplika iha SMS MNE ninian ne'ebe jornal ne'e simu (04/0).

Liu tan Zacarias dehan, "vizita ne'e importante no istoriko ba TL. ne'e duni ita boot sira maka tetu de'it ba. Se ha'u nia vizita ne'e maka importante ka buat seluk ne'ebe ema ko'alia."

Ministru Negosiu Estranjeiru ne'e tenta soke dehan, "PM rasik maka autoriza ha'u ba hala'o vizita ne'e."

Dezde tinan kotuk Primeiru Ministru Kay Rala Xanana Gusmao ho Ministru Negosiu Estranjeiru DR. Zacarias Albano da Costa ninia relasaun tau iha kestaun dezde polimika ameasa rezignasaun SMS husi MNE Zacarias ba PM Xanana iha abril tinan kotuk. Iha momentu ne'eba odamatan konsellu de Ministru ba dahuluk nakloke ba jornalista sira hodi asiste julgamentu rezignasaun SMS.

Iha julgamentu mini Konsellu dos Ministru ne'e PM Xanana hatudu liman ba DR. Zacarias hodi dehan ninia ministru ne'e halo eru no ministru Zacarias promete atu husu investigasaun ba ema sira ne'ebe hasai ninia sms ba publiku maibe to'o ohin seidauk rona iis ruma. (TS).

Povu Halerik Presu Karun, MTCI Hamaus ho Karnaval?

Tempo Semanal-Dili, 05.02.2011

grupu Karnaval husi Brasil la'o besik postu Dili ninian

Durante loron rua Ministeiru Tourizmu Comercio no Industria (MTCI) halo esforsu wain hodi halo sucesu ba atividades promove tradisaun no kultural Timor Leste ninian.
"Ha'u hanoin karnaval ne'e la'os kultura Timor ninian. Ne'e Kultura ema estranjeiru ninian. Nune'e duni ema ne'ebe la'o rai sira maka hakarak promove sira nia kultura iha nasaun ne'e ho intensaun atu fakar saugate osan povu Timor Leste ninian ba bolsu balun," dehan Marciano de Araujo B. da costa joventude ida ne'ebe tuur bilan hela iha Merkado lama wainhira iha tasi ibun Palacio nia oin ema danca no kanta rame hela.

Atividade loron rua ne'e mos fakar orsamentu boot ne'ebe tuir observasaun populasaun Timor Leste barak maka sei susar atu asesu ba osan ho numeru boot ne'e iha loron rua nia laran.
"MTCI hanoin ami kontente ho Karnaval ne'e. Populasaun hakilar sasan folin sa'e sira hodi karnaval mai doko fali rai," Marciano espresa ninia deskontentamentu.

Grupu Karnaval husi Republika Indonesia ninian lori BandeiraMean Ho Mutin
 iha palacio do Governo

Tuir Ministeiru Tourizmu Comersiu no Industria atividade ne'e mos hodi promove nasaun ne'e ba nasaun estranjeiru hodi dada turista mai TL.

"Ha'u hakaraka hatene osan hira maka oin gasta ba atividade ne'e no turista hira maka sira konsege lori mai. Maromak tulun turista husi brasil barak entaun kmanek ba ekonomia maibe ita gasta osan besik US$100,000,- maka la hetan lukru ruma entaun MTCI gasta saugate duni," Marciano so'e piadas.


Daudaun ne'e komunidade Timor ninian preokupa maka'as ho folin ba necesidades baziku inklui konstrusaun ninian ne'ebe sa'e ba beibeik. Governu Timor Leste fasilita ona emprezariu ho ho hatun taxa de importasaun maibe MTCI falla atu aijuda kontrola presu iha merkadu hodi riva razaun Merkadu libre ba komunidade ninian matan.

Iha tasi ibun feto no mane lubun ruma la'o tuir liuron ho danca no doko aan. Iha fatin sira ne'e polisia halo seguransa metin no dalan balun taka hodi empata trafiku iha dalan boot besik Palasio oin ate Ministeiru Negosiu Estranjeiru ninia diresaun iha bairo dos kokero Dili.

Atividade karnaval ne'e hala'o durante loron rua iha Dili hahu husi loron 04/03/2011 no remata oin kalan iha palacio do governu ninian oin.(TS)

Tirelessly A Japanese Timorese Hero Fighting For Liberation

Tempo Semanal-Dili, 04.03.2011

Michio Takahachi is a director of an educational foundation in Japan’s Miyagy prefecture branch. Usually he works from Monday to Friday in his office for educational foundation in Japan, Miyagy prefecture.

 

But in 1986, he started to support East Timor Independence struggle through two projects. One was the mountain project, to support Falintil fighters in the jungle. In this regard Pe. Sato Group helped the resistance Army by providing some logistics and money as well as communication equipment.

Second was to support East Timorese national identity. It’s Tetun language, as well as to support local languages. During that time The Michio Takahachi Group also supported the Tetun Schools in Darwin,

Australia and Portugal.

“My main philosophy or my main concept is same as the Falintil fighter’s spirit, namely ‘Patria e Povu.’ ”

Michio explained the history of how his nom de guerre of “Pe. Sato” came to be. At the time he started supporting the independence struggle in 1986, Japanese citizens could not enter East Timor. This was especially so if the purpose was to support the independence struggle, then the solidarity movement member could not enter East Timor and make contact with either the freedom fighters in the jungle or in the clandestine resistance front. So he changed his name and chose “Sato”, which is a very common family name in Japan.  Despite not being Christian he also chose to use “Padre” (which means Priest) and so began to call “myself Padre Sato.”

 

This was done to confuse the Indonesian Intelligence as he went about supporting the Mountain Project and school projects.  His main effort with the mountain project was to send assistance into East Timor for leaders like Konis Santana, Taur Matan Ruak, David Alex and Lere Anan Timur. Pe. Sato was one of the main and biggest donors for Falintil during the 1990’s. He helped Falintil with satellite phones, medicines and logistics, including some financial support under the guise of being for “toys and forestry.”

After East Timor voted against the Indonesian Pro Autonomy package he came to East Timor on December 1999 and stayed till January 2000.

“So our NGO set up here in January 1st, 2000. We set up TNCC (Timor

Loro Sa’e Nippon Culture Centre).  Our NGO has the same concept of

“Patria e Povu,” as did FALINTIL. So we want to support the grassroots people especially in the countryside.”

“It is my pleasure to continue our contact and communication with East

Timorese grassroots people and keep working on our small projects such as local languages and national language of tetun.

“Second to continue to support educational aspects by providing a small TNCC scholarship fund, as well as set up TNCC’s Bibliotheca (Library) in Iliomar, which provides books for the children.”

On the other side TNCC start up the agriculture projects and natural energy projects. “Now we are starting from biogas and in the future we want to change into solar power, because East Timor has so much sunshine. So bio gas system and solar power system is very good for east Timor.  So we continue supporting the grassroots people especially to keep alive and strengthen the spirit of ‘Patria e Povo’.”

Despite the very large contribution that Padre Sato has made to many people in this country; he has not had any recognition by the country’s new millennium leaders. Nor does or will Michio claim any favoritism from Timorese leaders.

Pe. Sato has not even thought about anything in any return from the

Timorese, not even any medal or other honor for his contribution to

 he country’s independence.

As he explains, “I started to support your country’s struggle for independence and continued to help the grassroots people, for one important reason. I think of the Second World War, when our father and grandfather’s generations invaded Asian countries including the island of Timor. So as a Japanese citizen I want to compensate for the wrongs committed by my father and grandfather’s generations. For me, I don’t want any thing. I am one Japanese citizen who has warm heart to all Asian countries, especially to East Timorese grassroots people. This is very important for me. So I want to continue my small work.”

In a free East Timor Michio Takahachi has dedicated his support to developing East Timorese national identity.  Timor Nippon Cultures

Centre is to perpetuate and develop East Timorese Languages.

Their activities are not only to develop Tetun Terik and Tetun Praca but TNCC also helps other local languages.  TNCC have produced several dictionaries on the Fataluku language, Makasa’e Language, Makalero Language, Naueti language, Makua language, Tokodede language, Wai Maa and others.

There are more than eight or nine languages for which dictionaries have been produced. “We have published the Fataluku and Fataluku dictionary. We also have another type dictionary of Fataluku, tetun and English dictionary. The third we published the traditional four line poems like Fataluku poems, Makasa’e poems and Makalero poems. Since independence we have published many books. There are about 50 books on the national and local languages” he explained.

Michio Takahachi has helped to set up different community groups and he travels to Timor-Leste twice a year.  “We go to the countryside looking for those who can write the local language dictionaries, to make contact periodically, every six months.”

“I have been visiting East Timor since December 1999. So every year I come here in January and stay until February and then return in July staying until August. Periodically I visit the local people for continuation of Fataluku Project, Makasa’e Projects and so on,” he added.

Michio Takahachi has spent his youth struggling for East Timor struggle but he is still not tired, and has much he can yet help the independent Republic Democratic East Timor with.

“I am very happy to come to your country East Timor and the contact I have with the people in the countryside. And also in your countryside there is very beautiful landscape, and I have contact with the beautiful sea, beautiful countryside landscape and my periodical meetings with my friends, which strengthens me personally.”

The 71 year old was best friends with Falintil commanders David Alex

and Konis Santana, who have been forgotten by some of the this country’s post independence leaders, still looks very strong physically and determined to continue to support the East Timorese people.

“Now I am already 71 years old but I do not feel like it, I feel like I am a 17 year old man.  I want to continue to support your country especially to those in the countryside or grassroots people. “

Apart from the community projects Pe. Sato also set up small solidarity loans to groups of Timorese agricultural workers. “We say there are two types of agriculture. The USA’s style, which uses the big tractors and uses chemical fertilizers. For us we choose the traditional system, recycle, natural and organic agriculture. It’s very good for natural organic food and its safe to consume by humans.”

Padre Sato acknowledges the rapid movement in this country towards the use of modern technological equipment and fertilizers to increase the agriculture’s production. “But we must think about food safety problems. If we use the big tractors and use chemical fertilizers to grow our food, it’s very dangerous to human health.”

He continues explain that, “now in the world, including in Japan they say that natural farming or use organic farming to produce safety organic foods. Of course there is dramatic changes occurring in East Timor with the arrival of new agriculture methods. But if we go to the countryside many East Timorese farmers are now doing the work with very simple and traditional farming still exist. So I think to keep alive this traditional agriculture farming and to keep environment as well as to maintain and develop the recycle system of agriculture is very important.”

Pe. Sato expects that the biogas projects they are funding will help

to strengthen the traditional agriculture system.

After accomplishing the first task of getting the country freedom from

Indonesia, Pe. Sato still wants to keep helping the Timorese community by delivering some small solidarity loans to Timorese farmer groups in the countryside.

“We started this agriculture and natural energy projects after the 2006 crisis.  Because TNCC began to think of why East Timor repeated the cycle of violence after Timor’s Independence.”

“I think the basic problem is that 80% of East Timor’s population work as farmers. So it’s very important to develop the country’s grassroots living conditions. In my point of view there are two types of agriculture.”

“First is towards USA which uses chemical fertilizer and working with big tractor machine, also using genetically modified crops. But in my point of view East Timor’s countryside is made up of very small family gatherings. We want to support this present family based system to keep the traditional, organic and recycle agriculture system.”

During his 34th visit in January-February 2011, Padre Sato to East Timor for TNCC’s work since 2000, Michio Takahachi went to Fatu Besi together with his vice president, accompanied by Mrs. Ular and set up the TNCC Ermera Agriculture Pilot Farm to commemorate Kiijima Machamichi and commandant Ular’s lives.

“This time I go to Fatu Besi in Ermera district with TNCC vice President to set up one TNCC agriculture project in Fatubesi. This is special one because TNCC Agriculture Ermera pilot farm is to commemorate the lives of the late commandant Ular and Machamichi Kiijima.”

“So we name this project with TAEPF-KU. K means Kiijima Machamichi the teacher of the current Prime Minister of Japan Mr. Naoto Khan.”

“Mr.Kiijima is the one who is attributed with educating Mr. Naoto Khan to be a good politician.”

“Another reason is Mr. Kiijima came to East Timor during World War II. He used to be an accountant for the Japanese Military. During his time in East Timor the Japanese military general sent him to Fatubesi village. But Kiijima didn’t bring any weapons with him to Fatu Besi. When he arrived in Fatu Besi, Kiijima held parties and would dance and sing with the people from Fatu Besi village, sleeping under the coconut tree. The chief of Fatu Besi at the time gained great respect towards Mr.Kiijima, so name him TUAN BOOT. The head of the village wanted Mr. Kiijima to marry his daughter but Kiijima refused.”

“After World War II Machamichi Kiijima became a leader of the Japanese Socialist Party. Machamichi Kiijima initiated the solidarity movement to support Independence struggle of East Timor. So Pe Sato joined this nation wide movement.”

Machamichi Kiijima’s dream was to return to East Timor especially to visit Fatu Besi village, because of the strong impression that was left with him of the kindness of the Fatu Besi people. But unfortunately Machamichi Kiijima passed away two years ago.

 

Padre Sato said, “Last year I met with Commandant Ular to arrange to go together to Fatu Besi to set up the TNCC Agriculture pilot farm to honor Machamichi Kiijima. But again, two days before we went to Ermera Commandant Ular passed away after a heart attack. So TNCC went to talk with Mrs. Ular to ask her to go with us to Fatu Besi to set up TNCC agriculture pilot farm to commemorate the lives of the late Commandant Ular and Machamichi Kiijima.”

TNCC always give solidarity loan to these Timorese groups to fund their activities.

“We gave them (the farmers) what we call our solidarity loan. We started by giving them only US$500. We will continue every six months to keep adding to the solidarity loan. So the group will get a total of US$5,000.00 in the end.”

Pe Sato’s solidarity loan has three principles. “We never ask for a mortgage, second we never ask for interest and third we never ask for refunds. We would like to see these agricultural workers to succeed so five years later they can transfer the money to the second group to set up.”

Pe. Sato has set up another Agriculture project in Betano. In 2007 his group invited two farmers from Same and Betano to go to Japan for training. In 2008 they gave the same training for two others from Lautem districts and in 2009 they did the same for other two farmers from Viqueque.

“We want to support this area so we have started set up TNCC pilot funds in about ten points. We started this agriculture project and on the other hand also started natural energy project.  When I come to East Timor and look at the mountains I notice that many trees were cut down. I am worried that East Timor is starting to lose its very important tropical forests. This is a very big problem because we will lose the water and it may cost a lot to the global warming.”

By having good relations with the people from Same, Viqueque, Lautem and other districts TNCC dream to protect and preserve East Timor environment.

“We want to protect the tropical forest of this country and that means that it is better not to cut the trees. But after the independence the

East Timorese population is increasing and now over one million people.  These people need cooking firewood.  So we just started one biogas project. Now we have started in Watulari a pilot project.”

“In Watulari there is one TNCC agriculture Watulari pilot fund so namely TAUP and in June last years we set up a bio gas pilot project which we are cooperate with an NGO in East Timor name BEACOM and Avelino Coelho, the Secretary State for Energy Policy who is in charge this area.”

“Through these types of cooperation we could use the waste from the cows, which mixes with 50% water to in a case, which produce the gas.

This black gas is use for cooking purposes. In Watulari case we use two cows’ output which every day produce the gas for cooking duration of six hours per day.”

“This is enough to cook for breakfast, lunch and cooked dinner. And of course we can use for snack time to boil waters for coffee or tea and so on. Other good side is the farmers can produce the liquid organic fertilizer. These are very good for rapidly growing the vegetable.”

“If we set up this type of Bio Gas System all around East Timor’s farmers house will help the East Timorese people not to cut the trees for cooking purposes so we are protecting the tropical forest means its good for the environment and we also help keep the original water spring.”

He Explain, “TNCC jointly with Timorese Government has set up a biogas pilot project in Watulari and TNCC wants to set up the bio gas system at all their TNCC pilot farmer’s points. TNCC have helped ten agriculture project points around the country.  “For these ten we may do it with the support financially from us. But for the future we need more places to set up biogas all over East Timor.”

“These days we in Japan have three step plans.  The first step we want to make a one pilot biogas case in japan.  We are using the Japanese very high plastics and technics. In this case TNCC wants to ask the Japanese government to support $30 million Japanese yen as budget for this first step. If the Japanese Government supports this first step project then we will move to the second step. In this step we will bring this Japanese pilot case to East Timor and to help mainly to reproduce it in East Timor factory so we can set up the biogas system for many farmers all over East Timor.”

“Of course this is need very big funding. If we start the second step we would like to ask the Japanese government as a national project for support the East Timor biogas national project. If this projects successful which support by the Japanese government and cooperate with East Timor Government means we step into the third step means East Timor become one of the top ranking of make recycle system to produce natural energy and organic liquid fertilizer.”

“East Timor may become a pioneer in this area and could get support from other countries in the world including Japanese government to establish this project in the tropical areas such as African countries, Asian and Latin America.  This is very good change to keep the global environment and to protect the tropical areas in the world. This dream. Of course in this process we will face many difficulties but TNCC and I want to appeal to the world to support this very important project.”

Padre Sato appealed to all Timorese leaders, most of whom he knows personally saying; “I hope all East Timorese top leaders not to forget the hard time during their struggle for the independence. They all know that many grassroots people supported the independence struggle.

So I appeal to them to keep the alive the ‘Patria e Povo’ spirit so all top leaders of East Timor to continue dedicate and concentrate their efforts on improving the living conditions of our grassroots people. And of course TNCC do our best corporate with them.” (TS).

Laa Khouf Ba’dal Yaum

Suara Pembaruan, Senin, 7 Februari 2011

Oleh George Junus Aditjondro

Laa khouf ba’dal yaum, atau “tiada ketakutan (lagi) setelah hari ini”. Slogan itu kini bergema di kalangan pemuda di Dunia Arab, dari Tunisia di Magribi (Barat) s/d Yaman di Mashrik (Timur), dan sudah menular ke Libya, Aljazair, Yordania, Syria, dan Sudan, di samping Mesir sendiri, di mana gerakan untuk menggulingkan Hosni Mubarak semakin marak dari hari ke hari. Akibatnya, dunia Arab kini menggeser peranan  Amerika Latin  sebagai simbol bagi generasi muda terdidik di Indonesia dalam melawan tirani, dengan beberapa perbedaan yang prinsipiil. 

Apa saja perbedaan itu? Pertama-tama, ada perbedaan antara  bayang-bayang masyarakat alternatif yang ingin diwujudkan oleh gerakan-gerakan perlawanan itu. Berbagai gerakan perlawanan di Amerika Latin, dari Kuba dalam milenium  lalu hingga  Bolivia dalam  milenium sekarang, membayangkan masyarakat sosialis sebagai masa depan yang ingin mereka wujudkan. 

Kesamaan cita-cita gerakan-gerakan perlawanan di Amerika Latin itu ikut terajut oleh gerakan teologi pembebasan yang dipelopori oleh perjumpaan antara para aktivis-aktivis gereja dan aktivis-aktivis sosialis, yang tersebar ke seluruh Amerika Selatan melalui medium bahasa Spanyol. 

Bagaimana masyarakat yang dicita-citakan itu, belum tuntas dibicarakan di Dunia Arab, di mana fokus perhatian saat ini masih bagaimana memaksa para diktator negeri-negeri itu, yang sudah berkuasa selama 30 tahun atau lebih, turun takhta, sambil menangkis serangan para pendukung bayaran para diktator. 

Perbedaan kedua adalah bahwa gerakan-gerakan pembebasan di Amerika Latin telah melahirkan tokoh-tokoh idola generasi muda, seperti Ernesto “Che” Guevara, Hugo Chavez dan Evo Morales. 

Sebaliknya, salah satu karakteristik gerakan-gerakan perlawanan bangsa-bangsa Arab, menurut Profesor Horace Campbell yang meneliti gerakan-gerakan itu adalah tercetusnya revolusi-revolusi tanpa partai pelopor (vanguard party), bahkan tanpa tokoh-tokoh revolusioner. 

Ini seratus persen bertentangan dengan teori Lenin, yang menganggap revolusi hanya dapat dicetuskan – dan dipelihara momentumnya – apabila dipimpin oleh segelintir orang pintar yang menguasai teori yang revolusioner, sebagaimana dijalankan oleh Lenin dan kawan-kawannya di Rusia, lebih dari seabad yang lalu. 

Berbeda halnya dengan revolusi-revolusi di Amerika Latin, revolusi bangsa-bangsa Arab lebih mengikuti pola gerakan-gerakan anarkis dan anarko-sindikalis dalam Perang  Saudara di Spanyol (1868-1936). 

Gelombang-gelombang protes bangsa-bangsa Arab di Tunisia dan Mesir, tidak digerakkan oleh kelompok aktor yang tunggal dengan pemimpin yang tunggal. Sebaliknya, ada kelompok buruh, mahasiswa, penganggur, kelompok kelas menengah terdidik, berideologi sosialis, demokratis, dan Islamis. 

Sebagian kelompok itu punya sejarah panjang dalam pembangkangan sipil di negara-negara Arab itu. Ambillah gerakan buruh, misalnya. Di Tunisia, Serikat Umum Pekerja-Pekerja Tunisia, UGTT dalam bahasa Perancis, sudah melakukan protes-protes massal sejak masa pemerintahan presiden pertama, Habib Borguiba. Pengganti Ben Ali, Muhammad al-Ghannouchi, berusaha menetralisir oposisi buruh, dengan mengangkat tiga orang menteri dari UGTT, tapi ketiganya meletakkan jabatan sehari kemudian, ketika oposisi mencetuskan boikot total terhadap setiap pemerintah interim di mana masih ada  anggota partai penguasa Ben Ali, RCD (Constitutional Democratic Rally).

Gerakan buruh Mesir tidak kalah militannya. Aksi protes buruh tahun 2008, telah melahirkan dua gerakan buruh independen yang total beranggota sekitar 70.000 buruh. Demonstrasi besar melawan rezim Mubarak tercetus di Mahalla, kota delta dengan kontingen buruh terbesar di Timur Tengah, yakni 28.000 orang.

Ichwanul Muslimin

Sementara ini, ada ketakutan kelompok-kelompok Kristiani – terutama kelompok minoritas Koptik di Mesir -- bahwa penggulingan Hosni Mubarak akan mengorbitkan kelompok Ichwanul Muslimin, yang akan membahayakan kaum Kristiani. Ketakutan ini sesungguhnya tidak beralasan. Pertama, dalam aksi-aksi protes massal di Mesir, kelompok Ichwanul Muslimin sama sekali tidak menonjol. Kedua, setiap seruan ‘Allahu Akbar!” dari kalangan demonstran, selalu direspons dengan seruan “Muslim, Kristen, atheis, kita semua orang Mesir!”. Selain itu, di saat-saat demonstran  Muslim melakukan shalat di saat demonstrasi, selalu ada demonstran  Kristiani menawarkan untuk menjaga keamanan mereka dari serangan para preman pro-Mubarak. Begitu menurut pengamatan Profesor Campbell. 

Selain itu, perlu dicatat bahwa aksi-aksi teroris terhadap minoritas Koptik yang meliputi sekitar 10 persen dari penduduk Mesir yang 80 juta, ditolak oleh sebagian besar umat Islam Mesir. Sebagai pernyataan solidaritas umat Islam dengan umat Kristen Koptik, sehari sesudah seorang pembom bunuh diri merampas nyawa 23 orang anggota jemaat, sejumlah Muslimin Mesir beribadah bersama mereka di Gereja Dua Orang Kudus di Iskandariyah (CNN Wire Staff ; The Telegraph, 7 Januari 2011). 

Samir Amin (lahir 1931), ekonom Mesir yang memimpin Forum Riset Dunia Ketiga di Dakar, Senegal, melihat keberadaan kelompok-kelompok fundamentalis Islam, yang disebutnya, “political Islam”, dengan sangat kritis. Kelompok-kelompok ini diciptakan oleh para kolonialis untuk menjustifikasi politik penjajahan, tapi diteruskan oleh rezim-rezim neo-kolonialis yang tetap berada di bawah hegemoni AS, yang sekian lama mendukung rezim Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali di Tunisia, rezim Mubarak di Mesir, dan rezim Ali Abdullah Saleh di Yaman. Fungsinya adalah, meminjam terminologi Munir Said Thalib, memperdalam konflik-konflik horizontal, untuk menggemboskan konflik vertikal rakyat melawan Negara dan Modal. 

Khusus untuk Mesir, menurut Samir Amin, skenario AS untuk era pasca-Mubarak adalah sebuah rezim kombinasi antara ‘Islam politis’ dan intelijen militer. Lihatlah figur wakil presiden yang diangkat oleh Mubarak, yakni Omar Soliman, komandan intelijen militer  yang didukung oleh AS. “Apakah rezim demikian dapat disebut ‘demokratis’”, tanya ekonomi kiri itu ( Monthly Review,  3 Februari 2011). 

Makanya, sifat anarkis gerakan protes di Mesir, merupakan kekuatan tapi sekaligus kelemahan gerakan itu. Cepat atau lambat, gerakan itu akan mengalami kristalisasi, dengan memilih model masyarakat yang ingin mereka wujudkan, dan siapa yang dapat mengantarkan rakyat Mesir ke tujuan itu. 

Mesir adalah bangsa yang besar, dengan tokoh-tokoh yang luar biasa cerdas. Dari 20 orang tokoh pemikir dan penulis Arab paling menonjol selama 25 tahun, tujuh orang di antaranya berasal atau berdarah Mesir, seperti Samir Amin, Hasan Hanafi, dan Nawal Sa’adawi.

Penulis adalah pengajar mata kuliah tentang Islam dan gerakan-gerakan pembebasan paskakolonial di Program Studi Ilmu, Religi dan Budaya (IRB) Universitas Sanata Dharma, Yogyakarta. 

Revolusaun iha Ejitu: Signifikánsia no Impaktu

Guteriano Neves For Tempo Semanal

Movimentu populár ba demokrasia iha Ejitu to’o, finalmente konsege hatún rejime ditadura, Hosni Mubarak. 

Hanesan teoria “Domino” prevé, influénsia husi revolusaun ida-ne’e la para iha Ejitu deit. De faktu, movimentu ne’ebé hanesan akontese mós iha Irake, Jordánia, Iémen, Bahrain, no mos Líbia. 

Tanba ne’e, movimentu ida-ne’e agora hanaran  nudar revolusaun ida. Dézde inísiu, revolusaun ida-ne’e hetan atensaun maka’as husi media internasionál sira. Atensaun ne’ebé revolusaun ne’e hetan bazeia ba razaun oi-oin. Iha kontestu polítika rejionál Médiu Oriente nian, revolusaun ida-ne’e importante tanba mudansa iha lideransa Ejitu nian bele afeta mós dinámika polítika rejionál. 

Nune’e mós, mudansa lideransa Ejiptu nian bele afeta konflitu entre Izraél ho Árabe. Ba Izraél, movimentu ida-ne’e hamosu ta’uk iha instituisaun estadu Izraél nian tanba bele doko tratadu “dame” ne’ebé Izraél ho Ejitu asina iha tinan-1978, ho naran Camp David Peace Accord. Ba Estadus Unidus da-Amérika (EUA), durante ne’e, bazeia ba deklarasaun  polítika ofisial sira iha Washington, ta’uk ne’ebé mosu mak katak mudansa iha Ejitu mós bele ameasa EUA nia interese polítiku no ekonomia iha rejiaun ne’e. Tanba ne’e mak revolusaun ida-ne’e hetan atensaun maka’as iha media internasional tomak.

Jeralmente, media nia reportajen kona-ba movimentu ida-ne’e mak hanesan movimentu atu hatún rejime ditadura ne’ebé ukun ona Ejitu durante tinan 30 nia laran. Kle’an liu tan, revolusaun ida-ne’e la’ós atu hatun de’it rejime ditadura, maibé mós atu transforma sosiedade ejípsiu tomak, nune’e mós atu transforma estrutura estadu Ejitu nian. 

Revolusaun ida-ne’e hanesan movimentu populár ida kontra injustisa sosiál, no luta atu hetan direitu sosial no politika povo Ejitu nian. Ida-ne’e hatudu momoos iha slogan hirak ne’ebé manifestante-sira hato’o; katak povo Ejitu hakarak sistema polítika foun, no hakarak métodu foun kona-ba oinsá organiza sosiedade. En jerál, revolusaun ida-ne’e la’ós de’it atu hatún Mubarak, maibe mós hanesan revolusaun ba demokrasia, direitus umanus, no justisa sosiál.

Ba Timór, maski movimentu ne’e akontese iha rai seluk ne’ebé dook husi ita, ita mós labele nega katak iha mundu ida ne’ebé integradu no globalizadu, eventu iha nasaun seluk bele afeta mós ita nia moris lor-loron. 

Aleinde ne’e, hanesan sosiedade ne’ebé koko atu harii ninia estadu rasik, saida mak akontese iha Ejitu bele fornese mai ita lisaun ruma kona-ba oinsá estadu, governu, no sosiedade ka povu halo interasaun iha vida sosiál, polítika no ekonomia. Bazeia ba razaun ne’e, artigu ida-ne’e hakarak atu fornese análize badak kona-ba saida mak akontese.

Istória Estadu Modernu Ejitu nian

Rejiaun Mediu Oriente (Middle East ka Timur Tengah), iha media internasionál, dala barak reprezenta nudar rejiaun ne’ebé nakonu ho konflitu, funu, radikalizmu, autoritarianizmu, no mós terrorizmu. 

Ida-ne’e bele haree iha notisia-sira ne’ebé hakerek kona-ba okupasaun Izraél iha Palestina nia rai, okupasaun EUA iha Irake, no eventu-sira seluk tan. Maibé, dala barak mós, media falla atu ke’e sai tanba sá mak realidade ne’e mosu, no oinsá influénsia husi nasaun boot-sira hanesan EUA, Russia, Inglaterra, no Fransa iha rejiaun ne’e. Ikus-ikus ne’e, matenek-na’in barak, komesa haree ona oinsá prosesu formasaun estadu iha rejiaun ne’e, no nia impaktu ba kontestu polítika iha rejiaun ne’e.

Iha kontestu Ejitu nian, prosesu formasaun estadu, prosesu troka rejime, interasaun estadu no sosiedade, no influénsia Soviétika no EUA nian durante Guerra Fria sei afeta dinámika sosiál, polítika no ekonomia to’o oras ne’e. Ejitu deklara ninia independensia no sai nudar nasaun soberanu iha tinan-1922 no sai hanesan Estadu Monarkia iha tempu ne’ebá. 

Maski nudar nasaun independente no soberanu, influénsia husi eis kolonizador – Inglaterra – kontinua nafatin. De faktu, rejime tempu ne’ebá nian sai hanesan kolaboradór ba antigu kolonizadór atu kontinua influénsia eis-kolonialista nian iha país ne’ebá. Iha parte seluk, dezigualdade sosiál mós sai maka’as no laiha mudansa. 

Ema ne’ebé iha rai barak (tuan tanah) sei nafatin domina polítika no ekonomia rai-laran no to’os-na’in ka agrikultór-sira depende ba rai-na’in (ema ne’ebé iha rai barak /tuan tanah). Rai-na’in-sira mós domina iha instituisaun estadu nian hanesan governu no Parlamentu. Nune’e  desizaun politika-sira ne’ebé foti dalabarak liu mak hirak ne’ebé proteje ema-sira ne’e nia interese no sira-nia  status quo iha sosiedade nia laran. Fenómenu ida-ne’e mosu mós iha nasaun Médiu Oriente sira seluk hanesan iha Irake, Síria, no Irán. Entaun, en jerál, independensia laiha signifikasaun ba povo Ejípsiu tanba laiha transformasaun iha estrutura sosiedade nian.

Situasaun ida-ne’e kontinua to’o tinan-1952, wainhira grupu Jenerál lubun ida ne’ebé hanaran-an Free Officer, lidera husi Gamel Abdul Nasser hala’o golpe-de-estadu no  hamonu tiha sistema monarkia Ejitu nian. Wainhira Nasser sa’e ba podér, nia hetan apoiu populár husi povo Ejípsiu, no povo Árabe tomak. Nasser sai hanesan símbolu nasionalizmu Árabe  tomak nian. 

Iha politika esterna, Nasser koko atu mantein Ejitu nudar país  neutru ida iha polítika Guerra Fria, no hamutuk ho líder terseiru mundu sira seluk hanesan Soekarno, Nehru no Tito inisia no harii Movimentu Naun-Aliñadu ka Gerakan Non Blok. 

Iha rai-laran, Nasser hala’o reforma iha setór importante barak; hanesan edukasaun gratuita, reforma agraria, espansaun asisténsia sosiál hanesan saúde, industrializasaun, no nasionalizasaun ba setór produtivu iha ekonomia Ejitu nian. Nia mós enkoraja industria rai-laran, liu-husi polítika ekonomia indústria substituisaun ba importasaun-sira. Nia hasa’e produsaun industria rai-laran hodi nune’e hakotu dependensia ba sasán importasaun hosi nasaun seluk. Nia mós nasionaliza tiha setór ekonomia importante hanesan banku, telekomunikasaun, no transporte públiku.

Ida-ne’ebé famozu liu mak wainhira Nasser desidi hodi nasionaliza tiha Kanál Suez ne’ebé estratéjiku tebes ba komersiu internasionál. Nasser nia ukun karateriza hanesan “revolusionariu” no iha impáktu pozitivu barak iha Ejitu nia ekonomia doméstiku. Iha duni Nasser nia tempu mós mak Ejitu nudar estadu, fortifika ninia ezistensia no lejitimidade iha povo Ejípsiu sira nia okos.

Wainhira Nasser mate iha tinan-1970, Anwar al Sadat, ne’ebé antes ne’e hanesan vise Prezidente, troka Nasser. Iha ninia tempu, Sadat halo mudansa drástika ba Ejitu nia polítika esterna no ekonomia rai-laran. Iha kontestu politika esterna, Sadat komesa hamenus dependensia ba ajudus Uniaun Soviétiku nian, hodi haruka fila hotu konselleiru militár Soviet nian iha Ejitu. Sadat lánsa atake hasoru Izraél iha tinan-1973, ne’ebé koñesidu ho naran funu Yom Kippur. 

Maibé ikus mai, nia hala’o vizita ba Izraél hodi involve iha negosiasaun ho estadu judeu ne’e, no iha tinan-1978, Sadat asina akordu dame ho Izraél -- hanaran “Camp David Peace Accord” -- ne’ebé fasilita husi EUA. Importánsia husi akordu ne’e mak, Ejitu rekoñese estadu Izraél nia ezistensia no Izraél fó fila area Sinai ne’ebé nia hadau husi Ejitu iha funu loron nen, tinan-1967. 

Ba Izraél no EUA, ida-ne’e hanesan vitoria boot ida, tanba akordu ne’e fokit sai tiha Ejitu nia papél iha konflitu entre Izraél no Árabe kona-ba rai-Palestina. Ba povo Ejípsiu no Árabe en jerál, liu-liu Palestinianu-sira, akordu ida-ne’e hanesan traisaun boot ida ba luta Palestinianu-sira nian no povo Árabe atu hetan fali sira nia rain.

Iha kontestu politika interna, Sadat mós hala’o reforma maka’as ba ekonomia rai laran bazeia ba politika neo-liberál. Liu husi plataforma “al-Infitah,” Sadat adota polítika ekonomia bazeia ba ideolojia neo-liberal nian. Iha ne’e, Sadat loke merkadu doméstiku ba investidor-sira husi rai li’ur, privatiza setór ekonomia importante hanesan banku, transporte, nsst. 

Desizaun barak ne’ebé Sadat halo durante nia ukun hamosu deskontentamentu iha sosiedade Ejípsiu nia leet. Tanba ne’e sentimentu antipatia ba Sadat mos sai maka’as liu tan. Nia rezultadu ikus mak Sadat hetan asasinatu husi grupu militante Muslim Brotherhood iha tinan-1980.

Hosni Mubarak, ne’ebé iha tempo ne’ebá serve hanesan vise Prezidente, asume kargu prezidente nian hahú kedas husi tempu hafoin Sadat nia mate. Mubarak kontinua buat ne’ebé mak Sadat hahú ona. Rejime ida ne’e sai hanesan aliadu EUA nian, no hola parte iha funu primeiru kontra Irake iha tinan-1991. Mubarak koko mantein ninia relasaun entre nasaun Árabe sira, no iha tempu hanesan hametin ninia relasaun ho Izraél no EUA. EUA kontinua fornese ekipamentu no treinamentu militár ba Ejitu -- halo  país ne’e hanesan nasaun ne’ebé simu ajudus militár EUA nian barak liu ba daruak  iha Médiu Oriente hafoin Izraél.

Iha parte rai-laran, Mubarak kontinua ho sistema represivu hasoru opozisaun sira, liu-liu grupu Muslim Brotherhood. Tanba ta’uk lakon nia poder, Mubarak mós dezenvolve saida mak hanaran “Policing State” hodi kontrola sosiedade Ejípsiu tomak. Ema barak mak hetan detensaun lahó prosesu legal ne’ebé adekuadu. Liberdade imprensa mós laiha.

Iha kontestu ekonomia rai-laran, Mubarak kontinua adota sistema ekonomia neo-liberál. Ho ida ne’e, numeru kiak iha rai laran aumenta tan, enkuantu dezempregu, no dezigualdade sosiál sa’e maka’as. 

Situasaun ne’e haforsa liu tan sentimentu deskontente hasoru  rejime Mubarak. Mubarak nia Politika ne’ebé hakru’uk ba Estadus Unidus, no halo ligasaun diak ho Izraél hodi taka fronteira ba Palestinianu-sira iha Gaza mós aumenta tan fatór ida ne’ebé hamosu deskontentamentu iha sosiedade Ejípsiu nia leet. 

Mubarak nia rejime mós hanesan rejime  korruptu ida, iha ne’ebé nia, ho nia família, no ninia aliadu polítiku sira hariku-an liu husi prosesu orsamentu estadu nian. Nia harii uma luxu iha Inglaterra, no iha konta privadu iha banku komersiál sira iha Europa.

Kulminasaun husi fator-sira ne’e mak lori ba revolusaun ida hodi konsege hatun tiha rejime ditadura ne’ebé dura durante tinan 30 nia laran ne’e. Maski iha inisiu, Mubarak rasik reziste ezijensia populár, maibe to’o ikus nia simu atu rezigna-an. Maski nune’e, ba povo Ejípsiu rasik, ho Mubarak nia rezignasaun la signifika katak ajenda revolusaun nian hotu ona. Ba sira, ida ne’e foin hanesan inisiu oinsa atu transforma sistema sosiál, polítika no ekonomia Ejitu nian, tanba sistema ida ne’ebé eziste durante ne’e la satisfás ona maioria Ejípsiu sira.

Signifikánsia husi Revolusaun iha Ejitu no Nia Impaktu

Saida mak akontese iha Ejitu hetan atensaun barak husi matenek na’in sira iha mundu tomak, nune’e mós líder barak iha mundu. Dézde prinsipiu, ema barak mak foka atensaun ba movimentu ida-ne’e, la’ós de’it tanba ninia karakterístika, maibé mós tanba movimentu ne’e nia impaktu ne’e ba politíka Ejiptu nian, ba polítika iha rejiaun Mediu Oriente, no mós ba sistema globál. 

Filózofu, linguista, no ativísta polítika famozu , Noam Chomsky, iha ninia intervista ho Televizaun “Democracy Now” deskreve movimentu ne’e hanesan fenómenu importante ida, no sei iha impaktu ba tempu naruk. Iha matenek na’in barak ona ne’ebé durante ne’e koko subliña kauza no ajenda husi revolusaun ida-ne’e. 

Tariq Ali, author famozu kona ba politika no istoria Mediu-Oriente nota katak saida mak akontese iha rejiaun ne’e hanesan movimentu demokrasia no nasionalizmu daruak iha ne’ebé, povo rasik hamrik lori hateten katak sistema ne’ebé ejiste la tuir sira nia hakarak.

Primeiru, revolusaun ida-ne’e hatudu unidade no determinasaun husi povo Ejípsiu rasik, katak sira rasik bele determina sira-nia futuru. Aspetu interesante  ida husi revolusaun ida-ne’e mak oinsá klase sosiál hotu, komesa husi grupu feto, uniaun traballadór, foin-sa’e, intelektuál-sira, artista-sira, to’o grupu klase média (kelas menengah) hamutuk atu luta ba sira-nia direitu. Feto-sira hanesan Mona Seif, Gigi Ibrahim, Selma El Tarzi kaer papél xave durante revolusaun ida-ne’e. 

Movimentu traballadór sira rasik mós hola papél importante iha prosesu ida-ne’e. Hanesan Jornál The Nation dokumenta, dézde tinan-1998 to’ ohin loron, uniaun traballadór-sira organiza ona asaun protesta hamutuk 3,500 atu hadi’a sira-nia situasaun. Maibe sira-nia lian ladún fó sai. 

Intelektuál no autor-sira hanesan Ahdaf Soueif, Nawal el-Saadawi nsst., mós hola papél importante atu hasa’e konsiensia krítiku liu-husi sira-nia hakerek no krítika sosiál. Relasiona ho ne’e, revolusaun ida ne’e mos hatudu katak povo iha rejiaun ne’e mos Segundu, revolusaun hanesan espresaun deskontentamentu husi povo Ejípsiu rasik ba sistema estadu ne’ebé eziste, no oinsá relasaun estadu ho sosiedade iha Ejitu. 

Dézde inisiu, Estadu iha Ejitu sai hanesan kolonialista-sira nia liman-rohan, hodi kontinua no mantein esplorasaun hasoru ba povo rai-laran. Maski Prezidente Nasser koko atu hakotu korrente esplorasaun nian liu husi ninia polítika-sira, Prezidente Sadat ho Mubarak kontinua hikas fali liu-husi politika ekonomia iha railaran, nune’e mós ho polítika esterna. 

Polítika rai-laran ne’ebé bazeia ba neo-liberalízmu somente haforsa tan de’it ema ne’ebé riku no halo kiak-sira sai kiak liu tan. Ho liafuan badak, atu hateten katak estadu hanesan liman rohan kolonializmu nian, no ida ne’e fortifika liu-husi politika esterna no politika ekonomia rai-laran.

Terseiru, Ejitu nia esperiensia dala ida tan hatudu fallansu husi sistema neo-liberál. Maski dala barak proponente sistema ekonomia neo-liberál nian hateten katak merkadu livre mak efisiente liu, Ejitu nia kazu dala ida tan haforsa katak neo-liberalízmu dala barak la susesu atu lori benefísiu ba ema hotu. 

Iha kontestu Ejitu nian, evidénsia hatudu katak polítika ekonomia neo-liberál ne’ebé bazeia ba merkadu livre, no privatizasaun seitór ekonomia públiku halo susar liu tan povo maioria nia moris no hariku de’it grupu elite sira. Parte husi elite sira ne’e mai husi kompañia-sira ne’ebé aliadu ba Mubarak. Ida ne’e haburas tan korupsaun iha Ejitu, liu-liu husi Prezidenti Mubarak rasik no nia aliadu polítiku sira. 

Bazeia ba realidade ida-ne’e, estadu Ejípsiu sai tiha hanesan ajente protetór ba kompania nasionál no internasionál sira nia interese, no la’ós ba povo maioria sira. Tanba ne’e, revolusaun ida-ne’e la’ós  atu kontra de’it Mubarak, maibe mós kontra sistema ekonomia neo-liberál ne’ebé povo Ejípsiu sira haree katak la favorese sira. 

Ida ne’e bele nota iha ezijensia-sira ne’ebé fó-sai iha movimentu ida-ne’e. Sira la’ós koalia de’it kona ba eleisaun jerál ne’ebé transparante, hapara violensia estadu hasoru sidadaun, no liberdade imprensa, maibé sira mós koalia kona-ba injustisa sosiál, kiak, no problema seluk tan. Ida ne’e mós mak sai fatór importante ida ne’ebé konsege mobiliza povo barak, husi klase sosiál hotu atu hamriik hasoru rejime Mubarak nian.

Kuatru, revolusaun iha Ejitu mós hanesan revolusaun kontra polítika Osidentál no ipokrizia husi país osidentál sira – EUA no país Europeia sira – ba rejiaun ne’e. Dézde inisiu, rejiaun ida-ne’e sai tiha hanesan área kompetisaun entre nasaun kolonialista sira. Durante Guerra Fria, Médio Oriente sai fatin kompetisaun entre Uniaun Soviétiku no EUA. 

Agora dadaun, EUA hala’o hela funu kontra terrorizmu, no Mediu Oriente duni mak sai tiha hanesan “Hotspot” ba funu ida-ne’e. No rejime hanesan Mubarak sérve nudar liman-rohan hodi hatutan ajenda EUA nian iha rejiaun ne’ebá. 

Dézde Sadat nia tempu, EUA – tanba de’it ninia interese ekonomia no militár -- kontinua apoia rejime ditadura iha Ejitu. Ne’e hatudu momos ipokrizia EUA nian kona-ba tantu direitus umanus ka demokrasia. Maski EUA dala barak kritika Irán tanba razaun direitus umanus no demokrasia, EUA la halo nune’e ba Ejitu nia kazu, ne’ebé ukun ho ditadura. Aat liu tan, wainhira povo tun ba protesta, Washington la klaru atu hola pozisaun ba asuntu ne’e. Ta’uk ne’ebé mak EUA no país Europeia sira mak rejime foun ruma ne’ebé sa’e bele kontra fali sira nia interese iha rejiaun ne’e.

Revolusaun ne’ebe hahú iha Tunízia ne’e mós iha impaktu boot ba polítika iha rejiaun ne’e tomak. Hanesan akontese hela, iha movimentu populár iha nasaun Médiu Oriente sira ne’ebé oras ne’e la’o dadaun ho objetivu mak atu halo transformasaun ba sistema polítika no ekonomia iha rejiaun ne’e. Ida ne’e la’ós fenómenu foun ida iha rejiaun Médiu Oriente. 

Haree fali ba nia istória, entre tinan-1950 to 1970, iha revolusaun barak mak mosu ona iha rejiaun ne’e, komesa duni husi Ejitu nian iha tinan-1952, mai Irake, Síria, to’o Irán iha tinan-1979. Ba país osidental sira, fenómenu ida-ne’e hanesan ameasa boot ida ba sira-nia interese. 

Rejime-sira ne’ebé ukun iha nasaun-sira hanesan Ejitu no Bahrain durante ne’e hanesan EUA ninia aliadu, nune’e mudansa ruma ne’ebé mosu konsidera nudar ameasa hasoru interese EUA nian.

Finalmente, mudansa ruma ba rejime iha Médiu Oriente mós sempre iha impaktu ba rejiaun ne’e tomak relasionada ho konflitu ida-ne’ebé dura no naruk entre Izraél ho Palestina. 

Dézde Prezidente Sadat nia tempu, Ejitu ho Izraél kria tiha ona relasaun di’ak  liu-husi akordu tinan-1978. Akordu ne’e, husi Izraél nia pontu-de-vista, hanesan vitória boot ida, tanba hamate ona Ejitu nia papél iha konflitu Árabe-Izraél. Tanba nee, ba Izraél, no nasaun seluk, buat tauk mak mudansa ruma iha lideransa Ejitu nian bele afeta mós akordu dame ne’ebé país rua ne’e asina tiha ona.

Nota Ikus

1. Movimemtu populár ba demokrasia iha Ejitu to’o, finalmente konsege hatún rejime ditadura, Hosni Mubarak. Maibe, hare ba luta populár ida ne’e nia objektivu la’os de’it atu hatún Mubarak. Kle’an liu tan, movimentu ida ne’e hanesan espresaun diskontente hosi povu ba sistema sosial, polítika, no ekonomia ne’ebé sira hare katak la justu ba sira. Movimentu ida ne’e mos iha impaktu maka’as ba dinamikua polítika rejionál. Movimentu ida ne’e mos hatudu forsa hosi movimentu popular ba iha transformasaun sosial. Wainhira instituisaun estadu falla, movimentu popular hanesan ne’e bele sai hanesan alternativu ikus ba transformasaun sosial.