INTROSPEKSI DIRI SEBELUM MENJADI PRESIDEN REPUBLIK

Melengkapi Artikel  Dr. Armindo “Mauk-Sun” Guterres dan

Dr. Joanico Moreira

 

 

Alfredo “Mau-Redo” Ramos da Silva

 

 

Demokrasi di Timor Leste kini tumbuh sangat subur bagaikan rumput dan jamur di musim hujan. Kita dapat melihat indikasi suburnya demokrasi di bumi Lorosae dari kualitas pemilihan umum yang semakin berkembang, tingginya kesadaran masyarakat untuk berpartisipasi dalam pemilu, oposisi diakui secara resmi, media sangat kritis dan independen, banyaknya partai politik yang dilahirkan dan banyaknya kandidat Presiden Republik sejak pemilihan presiden 2007 dan juga pasti pada 2012 mendatang. Saat ini diberitakan bahwa sudah ada 22 partai politik dan sekitar 7-14 kandidat yang akan memperebutkan posisi Presiden Republik. Saking banyaknya Partai Politik ini sehingga Dr. Ramos Horta sebagai Presiden Republik dan juga pribadi menghimbau kepada masyarakat untuk tidak memilih partai-partai kecil dan menghimbau juga supaya negara tidak menyediakan anggaran untuk partai-partai kecil yang baru lahir. Walaupun saya sebagai rakyat tidak setuju dengan pendapat itu tetapi biarkanlah wacara atau diskursus PR Horta ini berjalan dan mengalir.

Dalam tulisan ini saya tidak ingin membahas terlalu jauh banyaknya partai politik tetapi tulisan ini akan fokus pada kandidat yang menurut beberapa pihak memiliki peluang besar pada persaingan pemilihan Presiden Republik 2012 nanti. Tulisan ini hanya akan melengkapi tulisan Dr. Armindo “Mauk-Sun” Guterres dalam Forum Hakesuk mengenai Taur Matan Ruak dan Lasama.  Saya memilih figur Lasama ini karena terinspirasi dan terprovokasi oleh beberapa tulisan yang ditulis  Dr. Jose Maria Guterres dengan judul “TL-1 dan Berkah Xanana Gusmao” dan juga tanggapannya Dr. Joanico Moreira terhadap tulisan Dr. Jose Maria Guterres tersebut diatas, yang mana dalam tanggapannya Dr. Joanico Moreira condong membela Lasama, dan sebuah tulisan terakhir yang ditulis oleh Dr. Armindo “Mauk-Sun” Guterres di Forum Haksesuk yang juga jelas sekali condong membela Lasama. Dr. Amindo “Mauk-Sun” Guterres dalam tulisannya di Forum Haksesuk hanya mengungkap  kelemahan Taur Matan Ruak dan LUGU dan tidak menyinggung sedikitpun kelemahan Lasama maka saya hendak memperlihatkan dalam tulisan ini beberapa saja  kelemahan Lasama untuk melengkapi tulisan Dr. Armindo “Mauk-Sun” Guterres supaya menjadi bahan refleksi bagi Fernando Lasama de Araujo. Umpamanya dikatakan bahwa kelemahan Taur Matan Ruak adalah tidak bisa menerima kritik, kurang peka terhadap masalah persatuan, diskriminatif. Bahkan pada tulisan tangapan terhadap artikel Dr. Jose Maria Guterres, Dr. Joanico mengatakan bahwa Taur berasal dari suku Naueti dan Lasama dari suku Mambae. Dr. Armindo “Mauk-Sun” Guterres juga dengan dangkalnya mengatakan bahwa; “Ada indikasi CNRT lebih condong ke Taur Matan Ruak, tetapi mereka juga harus berhati-hati karena mereka juga masih ingin memerintah. Perhitungan rasional bila ingin mengamankan pembentukan sebuah pemeritahan koalisi maka dukungan Xanana dan CNRT kepada Lasama adalah lebih rasional, sebab kekuatan PD adalah nyata, mereka mempunyai 8 wakil de Parlamen Nasional dan pada Kongres Nasional ke II, PD mampu menggerakan 7.000 orang lebih ke GMT. Diperkirakan suara PD akan bertambah dan akan sangat menentukan pembentukkan sebuah pemerintah koalisi ada indikasi”.  Perkiraan “Dr. Armindo Mauk-Sun Guterres” di atas patut diperdebatkan. Harus diingat bahwa tidak hanya CNRT yang mau memerintah lagi, tetapi PD juga sangat bernafsu untuk memerintah lagi meski belum tentu dapat memenangi atau menjadi kuda hitam dalam Pemilu 2012. Melihat konsolidasi yang CNRT dan Partai lain lakukan sangat gencar di Ermera dipastikan bahwa PD akan kehilangan dukungan di Ermera karena setelah katuas Fitun meninggal dunia, massa Ermera banyak yang terpencar termasuk Komandante Dudu yang mendukung Taur Matan Ruak menjadi Presiden Republik. Sedangkan di Suai melihat dukungan yang ada jelas antara Fretilin dan CNRT akan bersaing ketat. Maliana walaupun Arcangelo Leite berasal dari sana tetapi Maliana adalah basis CNRT. Sedangkan di bagian Baucau, Lospalos dan Viqueque dipastikan antara Fretilin dan CNRT karena PD di sana mati kutu. Bagaimana mungkin dikatakan bahwa PD akan mengalami peningkatan kursinya di Parlemen Nasional..? Menurut beberapa pihak bahwa PD kemungkinan besar akan kehilangan banyak suara karena suara itu pindah ke CNRT, PDN dan juga Fretilin. Indikasinya mulai terlihat dalam berbagai konsolidasi militante PD banyak yang mendeklarasikan diri untuk berafiliasi ke CNRT dan Fretilin. Bahkan di kalangan orang PD banyak yang mengatakan bahwa “ami membro PD nafatin maibe ami vota ba Maun Xanana lai”. Dr. “Mau-Sun” Guterres mengatakan PD akan menfasilitasi CNRT untuk membentuk sebuah pemerintahan karena ada kursi di Parlemen. Xanana dan CNRT sudah tahu betul para Menteri dan Sekretaris Negara dari PD selama ini. CNRT juga mungkin sudah kapok dengan isu-isu korupsi dan skandal lain dikaitkan dengan para Menteri dan Sekretaris Negara dari PD. Dan perbuatan pembangkangan PD terhadap  Xanana di parlemen tentang 200 juta USD dll untuk OGE 2012. Pada sebuah polling dilakukan di website CNRT sangat menarik. Dalam polling itu publik ditanyai, tuir itaboot, partido ida nebe mak diak liu ba CNRT hodi halo koaligasaun..? jawabannya adalah Hamrik Mesak (ukun mesak) 55,4 %, CNRT-PD 20,7 %, CNRT-Fretilin 19 %,  CNRT-ASDT 2,7 % dan CNRT-PSD 2.2 %. Olehnya opsi bagi CNRT sangat banyak bukan hanya PD saja. Jangan percaya diri dulu bung. Sampai di sini mari kita menuju pada gambaran calon Presiden Republik dari Partai Demokrat, Fernando Lasama de Araujo.

Fernando Lasama de Araujo, adalah tokoh muda yang memimpin Renetil di Indonesia pada zaman perjuangan. Renetil organisasi resistensi yang  berpengaruh di kalangan terpelajar di Indonesia karena memiliki jaringan di kalangan pemuda dan pelajar Timor Leste, juga jaringan di kalangan intelektual Indonesia. Pasca kemerdekaan Lasama bersama-sama dengan koleganya ex-anggota Renetil dan juga beberapa pihak ex-FPI CNRT mendirikan Partai Politik yang mereka beri nama Partido Demokratico. Menurut kabar bahwa pada awalnya mereka menginginkan Lucia Lobato menjadi Presiden Partai tetapi karena Lucia Lobato sendiri sudah di PSD sehingga mereka memilih Lasama memimpin partai politik tersebut. Lasama sedikit-demi sedikit karir politiknya mulai menanjak seteleh partainya mendapat 7 kursi di pemilihan umum 2002. Bahkan pada tahun 2007 partai politik yang dipimpin Lasama tersebut hanya meningkat satu kursi sehingga mereka mendapat 8 kursi di Parlemen Nacional. Namun Lasama gagal untuk menjadi Presiden Republik walaupun dalam kampanyenya pada saat itu menjanjikan supaya petisioner yang dipecat dari FALINTIL-FDTL untuk kembali ke FALINTIL-FDTL kalau dia menjadi Presiden Republik atau Comandante Supremo FALINTIL-FDTL. Gagal menjadi Presiden Republik Lasama malah sukses dipilih oleh AMP menjadi Presiden Parlemen Nasional selama lima tahun. Dalam kepemimpinan di Parlemen Nacional Lasama lumayan bagus. Walaupun banyak persoalan tidak terselesaikan.  Namun banyak pihak mulai melihat bahwa Lasama adalah tokoh muda yang di masa akan datang menjadi solusi alternatif bagi masyarakat Timor Leste. Namun demikian banyak kendala yang masih dihadapi Lasama kalau dia ingin mentransfer dirinya menjadi pemimpin masa depan. Yang saya fokuskan adalah Lasama harus bisa mentransfer dirinya bukan ditransfer oleh orang atau institusi lain. Seorang mantan anggota Renetil yang berada di Partai lain mengatakan bahwa “Lasama selama ini dibesarkan oleh Renetil dan PD tetapi dia tidak pernah atau belum pernah ia membesarkan dirinya sendiri”. Oleh karena itu, banyak faktor yang masih menjadi tantangan dan hambatan bagi Lasama agar bisa meraih Presiden Republik. Faktor-faktor tersebut sebagai berikut: 

1). Publik belum tahu visi dan misi Lasama bagi masa depan negara dan bangsa ini. Kalau kita memperhatikan pesan-pesan yang disampaikan oleh Lasama di Parlemen tampak tidak teratur dan tidak sistematik dan tanpa “kontiudo” yang jelas. Pesan yang tidak beraturan tersebut menunjukan tidak adanya visi dan misi yang hendak disampaikan oleh Lasama secara pribadi. Jika di bandingkan dengan Mariano Asanami Sabino maka sangat berbeda. Mariano memiliki visi dan misi yang jelas dan terfokus sedangkan Lasama kasihan sekali. Olehnya seperti dikatakan di atas, Lasama harus membesarkan dirinya dan mengtransfer diri dan visinya kepada publik bukan dibesarkan oleh institusi dan juga orang lain.

2). Hubungan Lasama dan FALINTIL-FDTL. Lasama adalah orang yang dalam kampanye pencalonan Presidennya tahun 2007 melakukan dua kesalahan besar terhadap FALINTIL-FDTL;pertama, menuduh FALINTIL-FDTL melakukan pembunuhan massal di Tasi Tolu. Yang kemudian setelah dilakukan investigasi oleh UN, pembunuhan massal yang dituduhkan oleh Lasama dan istrinya Jaquelin Aquino Siapno (orang Filipina) tidak terbukti. Artinya menfitnah FALINTIL-FDTL demi kepentingan politik regionalismenya. Kedua, menjanjikan kepada petisioner untuk kembali ke FALINTIL-FDTL jika dia terpilih menjadi Presiden Republik. Dua hal tersebut akan menghambat hubungan Lasama dan FALINTIL-FDTL kalau Lasama terpilih menjadi Komandan Supremo.  Banyak pihak yang meragukan hubungan Lasama dan FALINTIL-FDTL apalagi kini Chefe Estado Maior General Lere Anan Timor. Orang yang dulu dituduh diskriminatif oleh Lasama dan kelompoknya pada tahun 2007.  Lasama mesti perbaiki hubungan dengan FALINTIL-FDTL  kalau ingin menjadi Presiden Republik. Walaupun mungkin FALINTIL-FDTL sudah mengampuni Lasama dan istrinya Jaqueline Aquino Siapno.

3).  Lasama memiliki karakter yang kurang peka terhadap isu gender. Lasama sering terlibat dalam Violencia Domestika terhadap istrinya. Sampai istrinya, Jaqueline Aquino Siapno melarikan diri ke rumah Menteri Luar Negeri Zakarias Albano untuk sementara waktu karena tidak tahan siksaan yang dilakukan Lasama. Di Timor Leste terutama pemerintah AMP sekarang ini sedang gencar mendorong pengembangan dan pembangunan isu Gender dan mengurangi violencia domestika serta violasaun seksual. Sebaliknya Lasama justru memukuli istrinya sehingga di internet dipublikasikan secara gencar dan luas. Seorang lider jika dia sukses memimpin keluarganya maka dia akan sukses pula memimpin negaranya. Jika saat ini Lasama sedang dalam bui, Ramos-Horta sebagai Presiden tentu tidak akan memberikan indultu kepada Lasama karena terlibat dalam violência domestika. Kalau Lasama ingin menjadi Presiden Republik perbaiki atetudnya agar tidak mengulangi lagi violencia domestika. Asal Dr. Armindo “Mauk-Sun” Guterres dan pendukung Lasama lainnya tahu saja bahwa Taur Matan Ruak walaupun dari militer tetapi dia tidak pernah melakukan violencia domestik terhadap istrinya seperti apa yang Lasama lakukan selama ini.

 4). Alkohol dan Mabuk. Di Timor Leste banyak pengusaha yang memasukan minuman beralkohol untuk diperdagangkan ditambah lagi dengan “tua sabu” sehingga kekerasan yang sering terjadi juga disebabkan oleh alkohol. Tetapi yang menarik bahwa tidak hanya anak muda yang meminum alkohol tetapi menurut informasi yang beredar bahwa Lasama adalah seorang yang kecanduan alkohol tersebut. Bahkan Membru Guverno anterior mencerikan bahwa “dalam suatu kesempatan berkunjung ke Portugal Lasama meminum minuman keras lebih banyak sehingga mabuk dan muntah-muntah di acara resmi”. Saya berharap cerita ini tidak benar tetapi kalau ini benar maka sebaiknya perbaiki diri sebelum jadi Presiden Republik. 

5). Regionalisme dan Etnik. Lasama orang yang selama ini lebih mengutamakan dan secara diam-diam mendengungkan isu Loromunu dan Lorosae. Ketika para petisioner dipecat dari FALINTIL-FDTL Lasama dan Partai Demokratnya termasuk yang melakukan kampanye hitam dan mengutamakan superioritas Loromunu. Seorang pendukung Lasama dalam tulisannya untuk menanggapi tulisan Dr. Jose Maria Guterres mengatakan bahwa Lasama adalah Mambae Mayoritas dan Taur Matan Ruak adalah Naueti yang minoritas. Jelas sekali bahwa diskriminasi ada pada Lasama dan pendukungnya secara mengakar dan sudah menyatu dengan darah dan daging mereka. Dalam sebuah rekrutmen PNTL Lasama selalu memperhatikan kalangannya. Bahkan dalam sebuah seremoni di Ainaro baru-baru ini Lasama menyuruh Deputado TARA untuk memaksa orang Mambae untuk memilih Lasama padahal pada saat itu yang hadir adalah para Veteran untuk melakukan syukuran demobilisasi yang diorganisir oleh Xanana. Perintah Lasama terhadap Deputadu TARA adalah wajar karena di desanya sendiri Lasama dan Partai Demokrat tidak pernah menang, sehingga harus menggunakan isu etnik seperti mereka gunakan pada krisis 2006 lalu.

6). Operasaun Konjunto. Dalam situasi susah dan genting Lasama diberikan mandat oleh konstitusi untuk menjadi Presiden Republik. Lasama yang menandatangani dan memberikan komando untuk melakukan OPERASAUN KONJUNTO atau OPERASAUN HALIBUR. Hal ini diakui oleh Dr. Armindo “Mauk-Sun” Guterres (alumni UNTIM) sambil mengutip pernyataan Lasama dalam kongres PD baru-baru ini: “nudar estado de direito demokratico ita tenke atua tuir lei ho firmeza. La iha fatin e toleransia ba sira nebe mak viola lei no sira nebe mak uza violencia hanesan instrumento hodi atinzi sira nia objectivo. Tamba ida ne’e mak iha tinan 2008 wain hira hau assume kargo nudar Presidente da Republika interinu, atu defende dignidade e interese nacional estado e povo ida ne’e nian, ho firmeza, hau hamutuk ho orgaun soberano sira seluk, hola desizaun ida nebe ema barak kontra ho hakanek sidadaun balun nia fuan, maybe ami tenki hola duni, mak hari operasaun konjunto, PNTL-FFDTL, hodi normaliza no estabiliza hikas situasaun siguransa iha rai laran. Ida ne’e hatudu katak orgaun soberano sira Timor Leste nian laos halo esforso deit, maibe atua ho firme, solidu, no koezo hodi buka solusaun ba problema todan ne’ebe nasaun hasoru. Ita tenki konsiente katak dignidade no interese estado no povu nian aas liu kualker forsa politika ka lider politiku ida nian dignidade no interese”.

Akan tetapi pernyataan Lasama itu tidak jujur kalau tidak dilengkapi dengan cerita di bawah ini; dalam suatu kesempatan menurut sumber yang dapat dipercaya bahwa ketika Lasama sebagai Comandante Supremo telah memerintahkan Panglima F-FDTL saat itu, Taur Matan Ruak untukmenembaki para petisioner. “Tempo ona para tiru deit kuando sira la fo ulun”, kata Lasama. Tetapi perintah Lasama ini ditanggapi oleh Taur Matan Ruak bahwa “Sr. Presidente Republika, seidauk tempo para tiru tamba ita manan funu la’os tamba ita oho ema barak maibe tamba inimigu rende mas kilat la tarutu”. Mendengar jawaban ini Lasama terdiam. Seandainya perintah Lasama ini dilaksanakan oleh Taur sudah dipastikan bahwa banyak orang yang akan menjadi Korban Operasi Konjuntu, terutama di Ermera. Yang menarik bahwa mungkin Lasama adalah seorang demokrat sejati yang memerintahkan penembakan yang bisa berimplikasi kepada rakyat Ermera yang menjadi pendukung Partai Demokrat dalam pemilihan umum 2007. Atau mungkin ini jebakan buat F-FDTL supaya bisa dituduh lagi melakukan pembunuhan massal sebagaimana di Tasi Tolu. Untungnya Taur Matan Ruak tidak terjebak dalam perintah yang disampaikan Lasama pada sore itu dalam sebuah pertemuan.

7). Persoalan Korupsi dan Kolusi kendaraan Parlemen Nasional. Sebagai Presiden Parlemen Nasional, Lasama termasuk yang bertanggungjawab terhadap perubahan spesifikasi kendaraan anggota Parlemen Nasional dari Toyota ke Mitsubishi Pajero. Seandainya ini ditelusuri maka akan terkait dengan kepentingan kelompok yang Lasama pimpin selama ini, baik itu di dalam maupun yang sedang di luar-luar mencari proyek. Katanya kasus ini sedang di Precurador Geral. Kalau mau jadi Presiden Republik perbaiki dan bangun menejemen modern bukan menejemen aktivista.

8).  Kepercayaan Xanana. Dalam tulisan Dr. Armindo “Mauk-Sun” Guterres juga mengatakan bahwa Lasama adalah orang yang dekat dengan Xanana dan kehadiran Xanana di Kongres PD adalah indikasi dukungan secara tidak langsung kepada Lasama. Menurut saya, Xanana sulit diprediksi sehingga saya tidak tahu bahwa kehadirannya merupakan dukungan atau justru sebaliknya. Tetapi yang pasti adalah Xanana kecewa terhadap Partai Demokrat dan Lasama karena jelas-jelas mempermalukan Xanana di Parlemen Nasional pada siding OGE 2012. Lasama dan kelompoknya “vota kontra” terhadap anggaran 200 juta USD yang diprogramkan Xanana. Padahal dalam rapat konsolidasi di luar parlemen, sebelum debat anggaran di PN, katanya Xanana sudah menjelaskan kepada Lasama dan anggota Parlemen AMP. Tetapi lagi-lagi Lasama dan kelompoknya dengan aroganya menolak mentah-mentah program pemerintah 200 juta USD tersebut bahkan Lasama mengatakan Xanana seharusnya menjelaskan kepadanya kalau itu penting. Seorang teman yang dekat dengan Lasama tapi sudah tersingkir dalam Kongres PD Kedua kemarin menceritakan kepada saya bahwa pada krisis 2008 ketika Operasi Konjuntu juga Xanana marah besar kepada Lasama karena Lasama dan kelompoknya berstandar ganda.

9). Lasama dan Partainya walaupun mendatangkan massa yang lumayan banyak dalam Kongres keduanya bulan kemarin tetapi hal ini diragukan untuk memenangkan Lasama menjadi Presiden Republik. Hipotesis Dr. Armindo “Mauk Sun” Guterres bahwa kehadiran Xanana di kongres merupakan dukungan langsung atau tidak langsung terhadap Lasama adalah suatu harapan akan pentingnya Xanana bagi Lasama dan PD. Xanana memang memiliki hubungan yang baik dengan PD karena Xanana-lah yang mengorbankan uang dari sakunya untuk membersarkan PD ketika PD masih menjadi oposisi dan kere. Menurut sumber dalam PD sendiri mengatakan bahwa Chico Borlako dan Paul Assis sering mengunjungi Palacio das Cinsas membawa bornal untuk mengambil uang demi membiayai aktivitas PD saat itu. Tapi harus diakui bahwa PD sekarang sudah berbeda dengan PD yang dulu. PD sekarang adalah PD yang punya banyak uang. Uang dari Lasama, Mariano Asanami, Dominggos Caero, Marcus da Cruz, Arcangelo Leite, dan Florindo.  Dulu semua orang tahu, Menteri dan Sekretaris Negara dari PD yang berprofesi sebagai dosen kalau habis ngajar selalu meminta mahasiswanya untuk ngantar pulang karena belum punya kendaraan, tetapi sekarang…? Empat tahun yang lalu pada hari pertama mau dilantik sebagai anggota kabinet di pemerintahan AMP, ada anggota kabinet tertunjuk dari PD yang meminjam móbil orang dan naik motor untuk sampai pada tempat acara pelantikan, tetapi sekarang…?   Dimana KAK (Komisaun Anti-Korupsaun) melihat hal ini..? Apakah karena para Komisioner KAK adalah individu-individu dari Renetil maka sangat sulit bagi KAK untuk menjamah temannya sendiri..? KAK benar-benar kepanjangan dari “Kawan Amankan Kawan”…? Sesama Renetil akan sulit untuk saling “mencakar” karena sebelum menjadi anggota Renetil di Bali-Jawa diterapkan acara ritwal hemu-ran(minum darah) sebagai tanda sumpah setia sesama anggota Renetil…? Dan menyangkut dukungan Xanana, bagaimana mungkin Xanana suporta Lasama kalau Lasama sendiri tidak mampu rapatkan barisannya untuk mendukunnya. Para veteran berpengaruh seperti Dudu, Tuloda, Deker, Paul Assis, Maubere tidak mendukung Lasama untuk menjadi Presiden Republik pada 2012 meskipun mereka orang-orang PD.

Saya sepakat dengan Dr. Armindo “Mauk-Sun” Guterres bahwa pada akhirnya semuanya kembali kepada rakyat. Rakyatlah yang akan memilih dan memilih suara emas pada Pilihan Presiden 2012 akan datang. Pemimpin yang suka berdusta dan ngalor ngidul akan disinkirkan, pemimpin yang tidak bermoral akan dinistakan, pemimpin yang diskriminatif akan di nafikkan, pemimpin yang tidak memiliki visi akan disiasiakan, pemimpin yang korup akan dihukum, pemimpin yang irasional dengan isu etnik akan diabaikan. Akhirnya rakyat akan memilih pemimpin yang santun, bijak, mengayomi, merakyat, merangkul dan memperjuangkan kepentingan rakyat. Introspeksilah sebelum menjadi Presiden Republik. Akhirnya saya berharap dan menunggu ada pendukung Lasama yang menanggapi tulisan ini agar dapat membuka mata dan telingga rakyat agar mereka tidak akan merasa memilih kucing dalam karung.

 

 

Ex-Mahasiswa UNTIM

Povo Aileba hela iha Comoro

Dili

KM Hamonu sentenca Kontra Arte Marsiais Maibe PNTL ninia Boot hatais mos Hatais Farda Arte Marsiais

Konsellu Ministru hala’o Sorumutu Estraordinária iha Kinta-feira ne’e, loron 22 fulan Dezembru tinan 2011, iha sala Sorumutu Konsellu Ministru, Palásiu Governu Dili no aprova ona: Medida hirak ne’ebé destinada hodi garante ordem públika no Seguransa Interna País nian, "Deklara iha komunikadu de imprensa nebe jornal nee asesu.

Nota ba imprensa nee hatutan, "Haree ba insidente daudaun ne’ebé envolve grupu arte- marsiál, iha Dili no distritu sira seluk- hanesan iha Zumalai/Suai-Covalima, Ainaro no Lautém- ne’ebé provoca distúrbiu sériu hanesan estraga sasan, mate no kanek, Konsellu Ministru rona Komandante Distritál Dili, Polísia Nasionál Timor-Leste (PNTL), Pedro Belo, no Komisáriu PNTL, Afonso de Jesus ne’ebé aprezenta relatóriu detalla ida kona-ba situasaun seguransa interna País nian."

Konfrontasaun entre grupu arte marsiais ne'e la'os mosu deit iha tinan nee maibe mosu fila2 dezde TL ukun an.

Governu foo lembra katak, "Maski halo beibeik deklarasaun ba kompromisu sira, husi reprezentante diresaun grupu arte-marsiál sira oioin, atu salva guarda respeitu ba prinsípiu konvivénsia sosiál, hodi asina ona dokumentu ida ne’ebé husi nível aas nian, iha fulan Maiu tinan 2011, ne’ebé mak grupu sira halo tiha juramentu atu kontribui ba ambiente pás no estabilidade iha País, verifika katak iha nafatin violasaun sistemátika ida ba akordu ida ne’e."

Iha okaziaun hanesan Konsellu Ministru ne'ebe lidera direitamente husi PM Xanana Gusmao ne'e mós dehan, "analiza efeitu negativu husi joga bola guling no lataria, ne’ebé mak afeta bem- estar sosiál no halakon virtude valór morál no étiku foin sa’e no família sira nian, hodi kontribui ba violénsia, mak hanesan violénsia doméstika, no liu-liu ba sosiedade tomak la hetan hakmatek."

"Iha sentidu ne’e, ho Natal, Tinan Foun no Eleisaun ba tinan 2012 hakbesik daudaun, IV Governu Konstitusionál konsidera urjente hodi foti medida ne’ebé adekuada hodi garante seguransa no bem-estar ba populasaun."

"Nune’e Konsellu Ministru, liu husi análize ida ne’ebé klean kona-ba relatóriu ne’ebé hato’o husi Komando Jerál PNTL nian, rezolve suspende to’o loron 21 fulan Dezembru tinan 2012, autorizasaun ba prátika atividade hotu-hotu grupu arte marsiál sira nian ne’ebé hetan prova katak provoka dsitúrbiu, violénsia no krime, inklui proibisaun treinu no prátika arte-marsiál sira, nune’e mós obrigasaun absoluta atu labele halo mobilizasaun ba ema sira hodi tama iha grupu sira ne’ebé mak pratika arte marsiál sira. Suspensaun ida ne’e sei renova fali iha periódu sira ne’ebé hanesan tinan ida nian kontra grupu hotu-hotu ne’ebé mak viola medida suspensaun ba prátika arte-marsiál sira."

Iha foto grafia balun ne'ebe mosu iha publiku hatudu momoos ulun boot PNTL ninian hatais hela farda Arte marsiais ida ne'ebe sempre involve iha konfrontasaun. Tuir fontes jornal nee katak foto ne'e atu entrega ba ulun boot governu ninian. 

"Sei aplika “ toleránsia zero” ba membru PNTL no F-FDTL sira hotu ne’ebé partisipa iha atividade grupu arte marsiál sira nian, sira sei hetan aplikasaun ba sansaun displinár, inklui demisaun instituisaun nian rasik, tuir termu lei orgánika no estatutu disiplinár sira," KM ameasa.

"Ha'u hanoin ne'e dala ida tan hanesan gertakan ida. Se karik Governu seriu entaun kaer uluk mak boot sira ne'ebe hatais farda arte marsiais ninian," dehan estudante UNTL ida nebe husu atu labele publika ninia naran.

Liu tan nia sadik PM ninia beran hodi dehan, "se PM promete no barani atu hasai komandante PNTL ne'e entaun ami sei buka meus aprezenta fotografia ne'e ba avo PM."

Antes tama Natal mosu konfrontasaun entre grupu balun iha jogu bola guling iha hotel Luz Clarita ninia oin ne'ebe rezulta ema balun hetan kanek tan ba sona no estragus ba motor nune'e governu repete hikas ameasas ne'ebe halo ona iha fulan hirak kotuk ba hodi dehan, "Konsellu Ministru rezolve ona hodi impede mós jogu bola guling no lotaria iha teritóriu Nasionál Timor- Leste hahú husi loron 22 fulan Dezembru tinan 2011."

"Iha fatin públiku ka privadu, ne’ebé hala’o prátika atividade ne’ebé halo parte rezolusaun ida ne’e sei taka kedas. Sei revoga fali áktu hotu-hotu ne’ebé hetan lisensa ka autorizasaun prátika atividade ne’ebé halo parte iha dekretu-lei ida ne’e."

Corruption and the Police Force: “Crime data leaked to bikie gangs”

Article BY Agio Pereira

Introduction

‘Crime data leaked to bikie gangs’ is the title of a story published in Sydney Morning Herald, August 28, 2010. The content of this news should not be alarming, unless one considers its political, economic and cultural dimensions. It is about the infamous Comancheros ‘allegedly involved in organised crime, including drug trafficking and extortion’. It is also about the Comancheros having access to ‘more than a dozen NSW police files’ which compromised not only ‘up to eight criminal investigations,’ but also ‘jeopradised the safety of undercover police.’ Hence ‘the leaks are regarded by policing officials as among the worst cases of suspected corruption in the NSW police force in the past five years.’ This piece is also related to the story aired by ABC Four Corners, the investigative television program, famous for its ‘The Moonlight State’ program that brought about the Fitzgerald Inquiry on corruption in the police and politics and subsequent demise of Premier Bjelke Petersen of Queensland. Media sensationalism aside, this essay is to be an informed dissertation, with analysis and evaluation on how informative and representative, or otherwise, this story is, and whether there is a strategic importance to policing. Hence, it includes discussion of corruption risk, police and procedures, as well as relevance to the present and how the substance of this story can shape the future. Possible implications to cause-effect and human resources, corruption and police integrity issues are also considered.

The impact of corruption on the Police Force

Corruption, integrity and policing

What is police corruption? - Sayed and Bruce argue that ‘public outburst against the police surfacing time and again’ and not only ‘misconduct’ and ‘corruption’ often ‘used interchange-ably,’ but increasingly ‘one cannot be sure if corruption refers to all crimes committed by the police, acts of gross or even minor negligence or incompetence, or just any behaviuor seen to be inappropriate.’ Police corruption can, thus, be defined as ‘any illegal conduct or misconduct involving the use of occupational power for personal, group or organisational gain.’ Hence, ‘to be considered corrupt, an act must be a violation of…criminal or civil law or qualify as misconduct’ under applicable regulations and ‘it must use either the legal or organisational powers of the police.’ That is, ‘the committing of the act needs to have been facilitated by the some form of power, knowledge, access, credibility or other means available to an officer by virtue of…being a member of the police service,’ including ‘motivated by the desire to achieve some identifiable personal, group or organisational benefit or reward.’ Thus, motivation, legal framework, misuse of power derived from being a police officer, are prerequisites to determine a corrupt or misconduct act.

Police ‘pride and humility’ are important to ensure a clean corporate image and public trust. It is reasonable to expect that the Police become a target of those who strive for success beyond the boundaries of acceptable moral and ethical norms. Therefore, developing and sustaining a strong image of police integrity is a challenging strategic priority for the Police leadership. Reporting on police corruption, such as ‘Something rotten in the state of Victoria’ and ‘Lennon Speaks at police corruption probe’, does not help Police integrity, albeit the Police Force in Australia, so far, succeeds in maintaining a credible institutional image. Fijnaut and Huberts contend that public integrity ‘denotes the quality of acting in accordance with the moral values, norms and rules accepted by the body politic and the public’ and that corruption is ‘a type of integrity violation’ because it is essentially the ‘misuse of public power for private benefit’. Thus, distinguishing public from private domain is essential for the understanding of police corruption. As for police professionalism, it is important to gauge its relation to ethics and morality, because public ethics, are ‘the collection of values and norms in the public sector’, the standards or yardsticks used to assess the integrity of one’s conduct.    

Being the only law enforcement institution with the power to use force on behalf of the State to curb violence and deviance, acting within the realms of ethics, morality and public expectations for protection at all times is crucial. Arrest the burglars, get criminals out of sight, stop the nuisances, are all part of community expectations, not least, successful policing performance. Beyond this, in the current era of ‘complementary service provision’ with private policing, security and body guards, with diverse type of crimes such as cybercrime, media globalisation and evolving ‘social structure, the Police Force, as a public institution, has to lead by example. Measuring corruption in all fronts ‘to diagnose problems and monitor results’ ought to be part of management of the working environment. However, monitoring undercover police work against corruption is not easy. Quantifying the work of the police can also bring about an erroneous understanding of police performance, including ignoring possible implications of ‘the element of danger’, which ‘is so integral to the policeman’s work that explicit recognition might induce emotional barriers to work performance’. Police presence and existence alone, if perceived with due respect and integrity, already contributes towards a harmonious social environment and safety. If for no other reason, it makes crime more difficult to be committed, without being caught, making the community safer and more confident to carry on work and leisure activities.

 Risks, cost and origins

Corruption and crime in general take place because of available opportunities and manageable risks. At organisational level, corruption in the police force is said to manifest in two forms; one at individual level, ‘in isolation from colleagues’, and another at group level known as ‘internally-networked corruption.’ The former is said to be more common than the letter, at least based on intelligence data pertaining to the Police Force of England and Wales. ‘Information compromise’, as seen in the ‘Crime data leaked to bikie gangs’ story, is considered to be ‘the most single common type of corrupt activity. This includes leaking information to the media and ‘deliberate leaks to criminals’.Curtailing the opportunities pertaining to information leaks can be costly. Police ‘databases, files or documents’ will require expensive means of technology, human resources training and knowledge updating to be able to minimise risks. Adding to the problem, there is the Police subculture of solidarity, tagged as ‘The Code’, ‘The Code of Silence’, or ‘The Blue Curtain’.The Code ‘informally prohibits or discourages police officers from reporting the misconduct of their colleagues.’ Thus, eradicating corruption can be extremely difficult, unless the institution is to replace existing human resources - an unrealistic option because the existing human resources are strategic assets. This makes curbing police corruption equally an important strategic issue, particularly in the context of reforming the Police Force. One reason is that the process of reform needs to equate with the need for ‘specialization’ of key Police units, which ‘facilitates the placing of responsibility, the training of the members, the development of experts, and the promotion of esprit de corps’. More importantly, this ‘stimulates special police interest and usually arouses an increased public interest.’ 

Therefore, identifying the root causes and effects is the crucial. Two types of factors distinguish the origins of police corruption. One is ‘work factor’ and another is ‘non-work factor’. Apart from opportunities for corruption, work factors include ‘professional attitudes/behaviour’ and ‘organisational culture/values’. The non-work factors include ‘domestic/personal problems’ and ‘social networks with criminals’. This suggests that the social environment, the history and personal relationships of police officers, together with the nature of policing, impact on the probability of becoming corrupt. Dealing with the development of Police Force, therefore, requires a holistic approach, including understanding and supplanting the weaknesses of Police officers. This means institutional support, such as providing adequate leadership for the social environment so that officers can be equipped with the right attitude and strength to overcome the temptations of corruption. Such an approach, coupled with coercive and administrative measures, can protect the environment of the Police Force against the tendency to adopt behaviors, which may be qualified as corrupt, or misconduct.

Furthermore, the risk of corruption in the Police Force, by virtue of its work, is a constant process. Police has power that organisations and criminal groups constantly attempt to purchase. Power of information, power to look the other way, power to provide protection and power to inculcate false information, are amongst some key aspects of power those operating outside the boundaries of law may need; and the Police Force is potential supplier. Hence, even if police reforms are undertaken successfully, ‘continual vigilance and skepticism is vital’ because, as Newman posits:

The causes of corruption include: factors that are intrinsic to policing as a job; the nature of police organisations; the nature of ‘police occupational culture’ and stressor; the opportunities for corruption presented by the ‘political’ and ‘task’ environments; and the nature and extent of the effort put in to controlling corruption. 

The latter of the key factors underpins the importance of keeping the police working environment with high sense of ‘professional pride’, which Newman identifies as crucial, but this needs to be contemplated as ‘the consequence of long-term reform efforts’.

The economic and environmental factor, justice and fairness

Bearing in mind the cost of fighting corruption in general and in the Police Force in particular, focusing on preventative measures, rather than entirely on ‘deterrence via the threat of prosecution,’ is a wise strategy. Professional pride can help curbing corruption within the Police Force. In the very least, it can influence more vulnerable departments of the Force to avoid being a ‘petri dish for corruption’. Salary level, albeit not the only factor, is important incentive. This should be combined with an attractive retirement scheme, including access to permanent housing by Police Officers and their families. Rodney Fink argues that ‘the prestige enjoyed by government officials within any given society, the value of their remuneration relative to the attainment of a reasonably secure and comfortable standard of living, their job security and work environment, and their institution’s commitment to their own professional development’, impact on vulnerability towards corruption. Another economic factor is having ‘underpaid and unmotivated public officials’ administering government rules and regulations. Under such circumstance, ‘the incentives to pay bribes are high, and the benefits seem obvious –private firms and citizens can go about their business,’ noting that, ironically, ‘individual bribes sometimes not only benefit the payer and the recipient but also enhance overall efficiency of fairness’. This may reflect human greed dilemma; the temptation to accumulate wealth, disregarding fairness and adopting the principle that the end justifies the mean. It is wise to bear in mind what Amartya Sen posits:

Wealth is not something we value for its own sake. Nor is it invariably a good indicator of what kind of lives we can achieve on the basis of our wealth. A person with severe disability cannot be judged to be more advantaged merely because she has a larger income or wealth than her able-bodied neighbour. Indeed, a richer person with disability may be subject to many restraints that the poorer person without the physical disadvantage may not have. In judging the advantages that the different people have compared with each other, we have to look at the overall capabilities they manage to enjoy.’

As for fairness, it is a principle derived from justice, which Rawls contend, is based on principles ‘chosen behind a veil of ignorance’, It follows that fighting police corruption needs to equate with economic justice as well as ‘realization-focused’, concentrating ‘on the actual behavior of people, rather than presuming compliance by all with ideal behavior’. Hence the need to create within the Police Force ‘an environment open to public scrutiny and in which the law and administrative procedures clearly define the obligations of public officials to be accountable for their stewardship of public resources’. Corruption, albeit not a disability in itself, if not eradicated, can render the police institution into a state of disability, regardless of its important wealth: its human resources. Having a frame of aspirations ‘worth striving for’  is crucial. Thus, equipping Police personnel with constant sense of pride makes the Force bound to be trusted and respected for its hard work - for the sake of common good. To be fair for the Police Force, however, criticisms need to be balanced against government policies and other real world challenges. Often, for politics sake, governments may pressure the Police to adopt a ‘zero tolerance’ strategy, projecting the perception of ‘a disciplinary society, an electronic panopticon, risk society, actuarial justice or a society of control’.

Commissions of Inquiry: challenges and reforms  

Since there are many factors making police corruption a difficult trend to curtail, the work of the Commissions of Inquiry is inexorably complex and its important impact underestimated. Nevertheless, Commissions of Inquiry can also waste money if carrying on with inquiries ‘we have to have’, as in the case of ICAC in Sydney, inquiring about McGurk’s ‘bluster and hot air’ claims of ‘high level corruption within the NSW government’.  Royal Commissions can also unknowingly employ corrupt police officers as in the case of Ian Harrison inquiry into corrupt police, which endangered the integrity of the process of inquiry, due to information leak and other possible crimes. ICAC in NSW seem to induce limited impact on eradication of corruption from the NSW Police Force because, as the article selected for this essay claims, ‘the Comancheros, received leaked police intelligence gathered by multiple agencies’, due to the ‘infiltration of state and federal drugs investigations’,  ‘described as one of the worst examples of corruption in the NSW police in recent years’. Other challenges include ‘the lack of immediate victims willing to report corruption’ and much of the corrupt act takes place ‘in the presence of witnesses who are often regarded as unreliable’,providing advantage to the corrupt Police elements. 

There are reasons for optimism. Apart from ‘education in ethics, proactive and reactive investigation of corruption, integrity testing, and corruption deterrence through the discipline of offenders’, the role of a Royal Commission of Inquiry can contribute towards eliminating some underlying causes of corruption and may even ‘enhance spiritual or faith-based connectedness and positive interaction’. The inquiries provide for strategic moves because in-depth ‘analysis of failure’, brings about ‘innovation’ and the ‘diagnosis of shortcomings,’ result in ‘meaningful change’. Moreover, having an open inquiry combined with the role of the media ‘as the chief means of contact with the unseen environment’, can bring about enhanced perception of shame and scandal; and the degree of shame can be related to professional pride. Nevertheless, Sherman warns that ‘while scandal ordinarily realigns the structure of power in an organization by replacements and shifts in the top echelon of administration and by their reform strategies, the new structure may be no more stable than one it replaces since the causes of instability are endemic to an organization and its environment.’ Hence, for Sherman, ‘much depend...on what policies are selected to control misconduct’. The Police, however, ‘having its own autonomous existence’, requires appropriate leadership to enhance its ‘collective consciousness and representations’, bearing in mind its nature of being ‘a whole composed of parts’ as well as the need for ‘disciplinary measures and control’.

Scandal and shame may be the intended impact behind the demand for a Commission of Inquiry into the recent death in prison of Carl Williams, ‘a prominent underworld figure’. Major newspapers called upon the Premier of Victoria to institute a Commission of Inquiry to delve deep into ‘the complex connections between corrupt police and other public officials, underworld violence, and those in the wider society who are the beneficiaries of corruption’. Since the work of a Commission of Inquiry is open to the public, the inquiry can provide the opportunity for the public ‘to know what connections there may be between police or former police and organised crime figures’. Sherman further contends that:

‘Defining criminal conduct by public officials as corrupt conduct rather than as criminal conduct is in itself symbolic. Investigation into “police corruption” rather than into “criminal police officers” symbolizes a public willingness to regard criminal and other forms of misconduct by public officials simply as criminal matters that require criminal sanctions. It is not the misdeed of officials that are corrupt but that such behavior by persons in their public role is a misuse of power and authority that is a matter of public trust in public organizations.’

And ‘scandal being a symbolic public reaction to an organizational breach of trust’ it can also shape public opinion about the policies ‘selected to control misconduct,’  expose existing subculture and, if it exists, the environment of ‘frustration, disappointment depression, and fear’.

In Australia, Royal Commissions gained momentum in 1980s when Justice Edward William delivered his findings on Drug Trafficking, identifying Sydney as ‘the centre of $59 million heroin trade’ and ‘also found weaknesses in costal surveillance and customs’. This was followed by Frank Costigan’s Joint Federal Victorian Royal Commission established to investigate the Federated Ship, Painters and Dockers Union, money laundering an drug trafficking. The investigation later included the Nugan Hand bank, known to be ‘linked with money laundering and drugs’. These investigations certainly left a blueprint of anti-corruption culture, highlighting the extent of underworld crime in Australia. The impact of those powerful Royal Commissions was that ‘in the years to come, the various royal commissions exposed a world of corruption few Australians realised existed. The late Kerry Packer was enmeshed in the P&D inquiry. Another result was the introduction of legislation, the Crimes (Taxation Offences) Act 1980, which put an end to ‘bottom of the harbour’ schemes’. Overall, Royal Commissions, at least, have ‘latent function’, the capacity to ‘expose the cracks and wounds’ within the public institutions of the Police and government. The era of commissions of inquiry also highlighted the separation of powers in a liberal democratic system and the importance of imposing the rule of law against the tendency to subdue it, for the sake of greed. 

Conclusion

Risks of corruption in the Police Force may not only relate to the working environment, subculture of ‘Code of Silence’ and accountability, but also to the nature and complexities of law enforcement and working conditions. Hence, reforms must be an ongoing process and the strategy for a successful reform needs to equate with reality of diverse police functions. This would help determine what resources should be invested in which department. Human resources trained over many years and with much-needed institutional memory, need to be cherished. Therefore, investing on human resources to lift their spirit and performance is of paramount importance. The popular media piece chosen for this essay highlights the symbiosis between the underworld and power politics and it underpins public trust on Royal Commissions. Hence, this essay emphasises the groundbreaking work of Justice Williams and the Joint Federal Victorian Royal Commission headed by Frank Costigan. The importance of police integrity and humility is stressed as being critical for institutional stability, so the need to nurture these traits as intrinsic part of police officer’s core values and beliefs. Beyond wealth, which does not add value to a police officer, there are the important elements of integrity, trust and respect one receives from others. These are assets for living with the sense of professional achievement and beyond. Adam Smith contends that ‘the love and admiration which we naturally conceive for those whose character and conduct we approve of, necessarily dispose us to desire to become ourselves the objects of the like agreeable sentiment to, and to be as amiable and admirable as those whom we love and admire the most’. Loving and admiring their institution as a uniquely important public asset and, in turn, valuing the prestige entrusted upon them to serve the public may, after all, be the most profound drive available to the Police to fight intrinsic corruption.

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[1] ibid

[2] Ibid

[3] ibid

[4] Ibid

[5] Ibid

[6] J Schultz, Reviving the Fourth State – democracy, accountability, and the media’ Cambridge University Press, UK, 1998

[7] Greg Stolz, ‘Queensland police tied to major drug trafficking’, The Courier Mail, February 3, 2010, accessed February 11, 2011, www.news.com.au/national/queensland-police-tied-to-major-drugtracfficking/story-e...

[8] Taleh Sayed & David Bruce, ‘Police Corruption: Towards a Working Definition’, African Security Review, Vol.7, No.1, 1998, accessed February 10, 2011, www.iss.co.za/pubs/ASR/No1/SayedBruce.html

[9] Ibid

[10] Ibid

[11] Ibid

[12] Ibid

[13] Ibid

[14] Ibid

[15] David Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature, David Norton & Mary Norton (Eds.), Oxford University Press, 2001, Oxford, UK, pp.180 - 184

[16] Ian Munro, ‘Something rotten in the state of Victoria’, Sydney Morning Herald, April 24, 2010, accessed January 27, 2011, www.smh.com.au/action/printArticle?id=1378054

[17] Paul Carter, ‘Lennon speaks at police corruption probe’, Sydney Morning Herald, March 25, 2009, accessed January 27, 2011, www.smh.com.au/action/printArticle?id=433526

[18] Cyrille Fijnaut & Leo Hubers, ‘Corruption, Integrity and Law Enforcement’, in Corruption, Integrity and Law Enforcement, Cyrille Fijnaut & Leo Hubers (eds.), Kluwer Law International, The Hague, Netherlands, pp.3-34, 2002 

[19] Ibid, p.4

[20] Stephen Schwenke, ‘Sectoral Synthesis’, in Fighting Corruption in Developing Countries- Strategies and Analysis, Bertram Spector (ed.), Kumarian Press, Inc., 2005,  pp.164-5

[21] Emphasis in the original

[22] Ibid, p.4

[23] ibid, p5

[24] Rick Sarre & Tim Prenzler, ‘The Relationship Between Police and Private Security: Models and Future Directions’, International Journal of Comparative and Applied Criminology, 24(1), 2000, p.15

[25] Ibid

[26] D Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society- a venture in social forecasting, Basic Book, inc., Publishers, New York, USA, 1973, p.13

[27] Daniel Kaufmann, Aart Kraay & Massimo Mastruzzi, ‘Measuring Corruption: Myths and Realities’, The World Bank,, Washington, USA, December 2006

[28] Police Education Advisory Council, ‘Police for the Future: Review of Recruitment and Selection for the Queensland Police Service’, 1998, pp.x-xxx & 19-29

[29] G Cole, M Gertz & A Bunger, The Criminal Justice System- Politics and Policies,  9^th Ed., Thomson Wadsworth, USA, 2004, p.112

[30] Joel Miller, ‘Police Corruption in England and Wales: An assessment of current evidence’, Home Office, Home Office Online Report 11/03

[31] Ibid, p.iii

[32] Ibid

[33] Ibid

[34] Ibid

[35] ibid

[36] Ibid

[37] Tim Prenzler, ‘Is There a Police Culture?’ Australian Journal of Public Administration, 56(4):47-56, December 1997, p.48

[38] C Klockars, Sanja Ivkovich, William Harver and Maria Haberfeld, ‘The Measurement of Police Integrity’, Research Brief, National Institute of Justice, US Department of Justice, May 2000

[39] Ibid

[40] ibid

[41] Ibid, p.2

[42] O Wilson, Police Planning, Charles C Thomas Publisher, Illinois, USA, 1973, p.31

[43] Ibid

[44] Ibid

[45] C Klockers et. al., op. cit., May 2000 

[46] Ibid

[47] Ibid

[48] Ibid

[49] ‘Barrister wanted to bribe police: ICAC’, Sydney Morning Herald, September 24, 2009, accessed February 11, 2011, http://news.smh.com.au/action/printArticle?id=751758

[50] Tim Newman, ‘Understanding and preventing police corruption: lessons form the literature’, Police Research Series Paper 110, Research Development Statistics, Home Office, London, UK,1999

[51] See also Brown, J.M. & Campbell, E.A., “The Cultural Context”. Stress and policing: Sources and strategies’, Chichester: John Wiley & Sons. Pp.147-165, printed by Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia, 2003,  p.164

[52] Ibid, p.vi

[53] Ibid, p.30

[54] Ibid

[55] Ibid

[56] J Dombrink, ‘The Touchables: Vice and Police Corruption in the 1980’, Law and Contemporary Problems, Duke University School of Law, California, USA, 1988

[57] S Schwenke, 2005, p.164

[58] S Rose-Ackerman, Corruption and Government – Causes, Consequences and Reform, Cambridge University Press, 1999, p.25

[59] Ibid

[60] Ibid

[61] A Sen, The Idea of Justice, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Massachutes, USA, 2009, p.7

[62] J Rawls, A Theory of Justice, p.12

[63] Ibid

[64] A Sen, The Idea of Justice, , 2009, p.7

[65] S Schwenke, 2005, p.165

[66] Robert Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, The Free Press, New York, USA, 1968 pp. 186-187

[67] P Hurst, ‘Statism, Pluralism and Social Control’, in Criminology and Social Theory, David Garland & Richard Sparks (eds.), Oxford University Press, UK, 2000, p.128-9

[68] Ibid, p.183

[69] ‘A necessary public inquiry’, Sydney Morning Herald, February 8, 2010, accessed February 11, 2011, www.smh.com.au/action/printArticle?id=1099960

[70] Ibid

[71] Less Kennedy, ‘AFP battles to conceal corruption allegations’, Sydney Morning Herald, July 18, 2010, accessed February 11, 2011, www.smh.com.au/national/afp-battles-to-conceal-corruption-allegations-20100717-1...

[72] Ibid

[73] Ibid

[74] Ibid

[75] C Klockars et. al, May 2000, op.cit., p.1

[76] Ibid

[77] Ibid

[78] L Miller, K Hess & C Orthmann, Community Policing –Partnership for Problem Solving, 6^th Ed., Delmar Cengage Learning, California, USA, 2008, p.61

[79] J Skolnick & D Bayley, Community Policing- issues and practices around the world, US Department of Justice, USA, 1988, p.33

[80] W Lippmann, Public Opinion, Wilder publications, VA, USA, 2010, p.174

[81] Aaron Lazare, On Apology, Oxford University Press, New York, USA, 2005, p.114

[82] Lawrence Sherman, Scandal and reform: controlling police corruption, University of California Press, Berkeley, CA, USA, 1978, p.xii

[83] Ibid

[84] E Durkheim, On Morality and Society, edited by Robert Bellah, The University of Chicago Press, Cicago, USA, 973, p.xix

[85] Ibid

[86] Ibid, p.xx

[87] M Findlay, S Odgers & S Yeo, Australian Criminal Justice, 3^rd Ed., Oxford University Press, Melbourne, Australia, 2007,   p.28

[88] ‘Williams’ death needs independent inquiry’, Sydney Morning Herald, April 23, 2010, accessed February 11, 2011, www.smh.com.au/action/printArticle?id=1373392

[89] Ibid

[90] Ibid

[91] L Sherman, 1978, op.cit, p.xii

[92] Ibid

[93] L Sherman, 1978, op.cit., p.xiii

[94] R Taylor, T Caety, D Loper, E Fritsh & J Liederbach, Digital Crime and Digital Terrorism, Pearson Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River, New Jersey, USA, 2006, p46

[95] Ibid

[96] Holiday Edition, ‘1980 Cabinet Papers’, The Age, December 31, 2010 – January 1, 2011, p.10

[97] Ibid

[98] Ibid

[99] Ibid

[100] Stanley Cohen, Visions of Social Control – Crime, Punishment and Classification, Polity Press, Cambridge, UK, 1987, p.262

[101] Ibid

[102] David Bayley, ‘It’s Accountability, Stupid!’, in K Bryett & C. Lewis (Eds.), Up-peeling Tradition: Contemporary Policing, MacMillan Education Australia Pty Ltd., pp. 124-140, Melbourne, Australia, 1994 

[103] T Prenzler, December 1997, p.49

[104] A Sen, The Idea of Justice, 2009, p.7

[105] A Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments, Filiquarian Publishing, LLC, UK, 2007, p.148