Tuesday 20 December 2011

Corruption and the Police Force: “Crime data leaked to bikie gangs”

Article BY Agio Pereira

Introduction

‘Crime data leaked to bikie gangs’ is the title of a story published in Sydney Morning Herald, August 28, 2010. The content of this news should not be alarming, unless one considers its political, economic and cultural dimensions. It is about the infamous Comancheros ‘allegedly involved in organised crime, including drug trafficking and extortion’. It is also about the Comancheros having access to ‘more than a dozen NSW police files’ which compromised not only ‘up to eight criminal investigations,’ but also ‘jeopradised the safety of undercover police.’ Hence ‘the leaks are regarded by policing officials as among the worst cases of suspected corruption in the NSW police force in the past five years.’ This piece is also related to the story aired by ABC Four Corners, the investigative television program, famous for its ‘The Moonlight State’ program that brought about the Fitzgerald Inquiry on corruption in the police and politics and subsequent demise of Premier Bjelke Petersen of Queensland. Media sensationalism aside, this essay is to be an informed dissertation, with analysis and evaluation on how informative and representative, or otherwise, this story is, and whether there is a strategic importance to policing. Hence, it includes discussion of corruption risk, police and procedures, as well as relevance to the present and how the substance of this story can shape the future. Possible implications to cause-effect and human resources, corruption and police integrity issues are also considered.

The impact of corruption on the Police Force
Corruption, integrity and policing

What is police corruption? - Sayed and Bruce argue that ‘public outburst against the police surfacing time and again’ and not only ‘misconduct’ and ‘corruption’ often ‘used interchange-ably,’ but increasingly ‘one cannot be sure if corruption refers to all crimes committed by the police, acts of gross or even minor negligence or incompetence, or just any behaviuor seen to be inappropriate.’ Police corruption can, thus, be defined as ‘any illegal conduct or misconduct involving the use of occupational power for personal, group or organisational gain.’ Hence, ‘to be considered corrupt, an act must be a violation of…criminal or civil law or qualify as misconduct’ under applicable regulations and ‘it must use either the legal or organisational powers of the police.’ That is, ‘the committing of the act needs to have been facilitated by the some form of power, knowledge, access, credibility or other means available to an officer by virtue of…being a member of the police service,’ including ‘motivated by the desire to achieve some identifiable personal, group or organisational benefit or reward.’ Thus, motivation, legal framework, misuse of power derived from being a police officer, are prerequisites to determine a corrupt or misconduct act.
Police ‘pride and humility’ are important to ensure a clean corporate image and public trust. It is reasonable to expect that the Police become a target of those who strive for success beyond the boundaries of acceptable moral and ethical norms. Therefore, developing and sustaining a strong image of police integrity is a challenging strategic priority for the Police leadership. Reporting on police corruption, such as ‘Something rotten in the state of Victoria’ and ‘Lennon Speaks at police corruption probe’, does not help Police integrity, albeit the Police Force in Australia, so far, succeeds in maintaining a credible institutional image. Fijnaut and Huberts contend that public integrity ‘denotes the quality of acting in accordance with the moral values, norms and rules accepted by the body politic and the public’ and that corruption is ‘a type of integrity violation’ because it is essentially the ‘misuse of public power for private benefit’. Thus, distinguishing public from private domain is essential for the understanding of police corruption. As for police professionalism, it is important to gauge its relation to ethics and morality, because public ethics, are ‘the collection of values and norms in the public sector’, the standards or yardsticks used to assess the integrity of one’s conduct.    
Being the only law enforcement institution with the power to use force on behalf of the State to curb violence and deviance, acting within the realms of ethics, morality and public expectations for protection at all times is crucial. Arrest the burglars, get criminals out of sight, stop the nuisances, are all part of community expectations, not least, successful policing performance. Beyond this, in the current era of ‘complementary service provision’ with private policing, security and body guards, with diverse type of crimes such as cybercrime, media globalisation and evolving ‘social structure, the Police Force, as a public institution, has to lead by example. Measuring corruption in all fronts ‘to diagnose problems and monitor results’ ought to be part of management of the working environment. However, monitoring undercover police work against corruption is not easy. Quantifying the work of the police can also bring about an erroneous understanding of police performance, including ignoring possible implications of ‘the element of danger’, which ‘is so integral to the policeman’s work that explicit recognition might induce emotional barriers to work performance’. Police presence and existence alone, if perceived with due respect and integrity, already contributes towards a harmonious social environment and safety. If for no other reason, it makes crime more difficult to be committed, without being caught, making the community safer and more confident to carry on work and leisure activities.

 Risks, cost and origins

Corruption and crime in general take place because of available opportunities and manageable risks. At organisational level, corruption in the police force is said to manifest in two forms; one at individual level, ‘in isolation from colleagues’, and another at group level known as ‘internally-networked corruption.’ The former is said to be more common than the letter, at least based on intelligence data pertaining to the Police Force of England and Wales. ‘Information compromise’, as seen in the ‘Crime data leaked to bikie gangs’ story, is considered to be ‘the most single common type of corrupt activity. This includes leaking information to the media and ‘deliberate leaks to criminals’.Curtailing the opportunities pertaining to information leaks can be costly. Police ‘databases, files or documents’ will require expensive means of technology, human resources training and knowledge updating to be able to minimise risks. Adding to the problem, there is the Police subculture of solidarity, tagged as ‘The Code’, ‘The Code of Silence’, or ‘The Blue Curtain’.The Code ‘informally prohibits or discourages police officers from reporting the misconduct of their colleagues.’ Thus, eradicating corruption can be extremely difficult, unless the institution is to replace existing human resources - an unrealistic option because the existing human resources are strategic assets. This makes curbing police corruption equally an important strategic issue, particularly in the context of reforming the Police Force. One reason is that the process of reform needs to equate with the need for ‘specialization’ of key Police units, which ‘facilitates the placing of responsibility, the training of the members, the development of experts, and the promotion of esprit de corps’. More importantly, this ‘stimulates special police interest and usually arouses an increased public interest.’ 
Therefore, identifying the root causes and effects is the crucial. Two types of factors distinguish the origins of police corruption. One is ‘work factor’ and another is ‘non-work factor’. Apart from opportunities for corruption, work factors include ‘professional attitudes/behaviour’ and ‘organisational culture/values’. The non-work factors include ‘domestic/personal problems’ and ‘social networks with criminals’. This suggests that the social environment, the history and personal relationships of police officers, together with the nature of policing, impact on the probability of becoming corrupt. Dealing with the development of Police Force, therefore, requires a holistic approach, including understanding and supplanting the weaknesses of Police officers. This means institutional support, such as providing adequate leadership for the social environment so that officers can be equipped with the right attitude and strength to overcome the temptations of corruption. Such an approach, coupled with coercive and administrative measures, can protect the environment of the Police Force against the tendency to adopt behaviors, which may be qualified as corrupt, or misconduct.
Furthermore, the risk of corruption in the Police Force, by virtue of its work, is a constant process. Police has power that organisations and criminal groups constantly attempt to purchase. Power of information, power to look the other way, power to provide protection and power to inculcate false information, are amongst some key aspects of power those operating outside the boundaries of law may need; and the Police Force is potential supplier. Hence, even if police reforms are undertaken successfully, ‘continual vigilance and skepticism is vital’ because, as Newman posits:

The causes of corruption include: factors that are intrinsic to policing as a job; the nature of police organisations; the nature of ‘police occupational culture’ and stressor; the opportunities for corruption presented by the ‘political’ and ‘task’ environments; and the nature and extent of the effort put in to controlling corruption. 

The latter of the key factors underpins the importance of keeping the police working environment with high sense of ‘professional pride’, which Newman identifies as crucial, but this needs to be contemplated as ‘the consequence of long-term reform efforts’.

The economic and environmental factor, justice and fairness

Bearing in mind the cost of fighting corruption in general and in the Police Force in particular, focusing on preventative measures, rather than entirely on ‘deterrence via the threat of prosecution,’ is a wise strategy. Professional pride can help curbing corruption within the Police Force. In the very least, it can influence more vulnerable departments of the Force to avoid being a ‘petri dish for corruption’. Salary level, albeit not the only factor, is important incentive. This should be combined with an attractive retirement scheme, including access to permanent housing by Police Officers and their families. Rodney Fink argues that ‘the prestige enjoyed by government officials within any given society, the value of their remuneration relative to the attainment of a reasonably secure and comfortable standard of living, their job security and work environment, and their institution’s commitment to their own professional development’, impact on vulnerability towards corruption. Another economic factor is having ‘underpaid and unmotivated public officials’ administering government rules and regulations. Under such circumstance, ‘the incentives to pay bribes are high, and the benefits seem obvious –private firms and citizens can go about their business,’ noting that, ironically, ‘individual bribes sometimes not only benefit the payer and the recipient but also enhance overall efficiency of fairness’. This may reflect human greed dilemma; the temptation to accumulate wealth, disregarding fairness and adopting the principle that the end justifies the mean. It is wise to bear in mind what Amartya Sen posits:

Wealth is not something we value for its own sake. Nor is it invariably a good indicator of what kind of lives we can achieve on the basis of our wealth. A person with severe disability cannot be judged to be more advantaged merely because she has a larger income or wealth than her able-bodied neighbour. Indeed, a richer person with disability may be subject to many restraints that the poorer person without the physical disadvantage may not have. In judging the advantages that the different people have compared with each other, we have to look at the overall capabilities they manage to enjoy.’

As for fairness, it is a principle derived from justice, which Rawls contend, is based on principles ‘chosen behind a veil of ignorance’, It follows that fighting police corruption needs to equate with economic justice as well as ‘realization-focused’, concentrating ‘on the actual behavior of people, rather than presuming compliance by all with ideal behavior’. Hence the need to create within the Police Force ‘an environment open to public scrutiny and in which the law and administrative procedures clearly define the obligations of public officials to be accountable for their stewardship of public resources’. Corruption, albeit not a disability in itself, if not eradicated, can render the police institution into a state of disability, regardless of its important wealth: its human resources. Having a frame of aspirations ‘worth striving for’  is crucial. Thus, equipping Police personnel with constant sense of pride makes the Force bound to be trusted and respected for its hard work - for the sake of common good. To be fair for the Police Force, however, criticisms need to be balanced against government policies and other real world challenges. Often, for politics sake, governments may pressure the Police to adopt a ‘zero tolerance’ strategy, projecting the perception of ‘a disciplinary society, an electronic panopticon, risk society, actuarial justice or a society of control’.

Commissions of Inquiry: challenges and reforms  

Since there are many factors making police corruption a difficult trend to curtail, the work of the Commissions of Inquiry is inexorably complex and its important impact underestimated. Nevertheless, Commissions of Inquiry can also waste money if carrying on with inquiries ‘we have to have’, as in the case of ICAC in Sydney, inquiring about McGurk’s ‘bluster and hot air’ claims of ‘high level corruption within the NSW government’.  Royal Commissions can also unknowingly employ corrupt police officers as in the case of Ian Harrison inquiry into corrupt police, which endangered the integrity of the process of inquiry, due to information leak and other possible crimes. ICAC in NSW seem to induce limited impact on eradication of corruption from the NSW Police Force because, as the article selected for this essay claims, ‘the Comancheros, received leaked police intelligence gathered by multiple agencies’, due to the ‘infiltration of state and federal drugs investigations’,  ‘described as one of the worst examples of corruption in the NSW police in recent years’. Other challenges include ‘the lack of immediate victims willing to report corruption’ and much of the corrupt act takes place ‘in the presence of witnesses who are often regarded as unreliable’,providing advantage to the corrupt Police elements. 
There are reasons for optimism. Apart from ‘education in ethics, proactive and reactive investigation of corruption, integrity testing, and corruption deterrence through the discipline of offenders’, the role of a Royal Commission of Inquiry can contribute towards eliminating some underlying causes of corruption and may even ‘enhance spiritual or faith-based connectedness and positive interaction’. The inquiries provide for strategic moves because in-depth ‘analysis of failure’, brings about ‘innovation’ and the ‘diagnosis of shortcomings,’ result in ‘meaningful change’. Moreover, having an open inquiry combined with the role of the media ‘as the chief means of contact with the unseen environment’, can bring about enhanced perception of shame and scandal; and the degree of shame can be related to professional pride. Nevertheless, Sherman warns that ‘while scandal ordinarily realigns the structure of power in an organization by replacements and shifts in the top echelon of administration and by their reform strategies, the new structure may be no more stable than one it replaces since the causes of instability are endemic to an organization and its environment.’ Hence, for Sherman, ‘much depend...on what policies are selected to control misconduct’. The Police, however, ‘having its own autonomous existence’, requires appropriate leadership to enhance its ‘collective consciousness and representations’, bearing in mind its nature of being ‘a whole composed of parts’ as well as the need for ‘disciplinary measures and control’.
Scandal and shame may be the intended impact behind the demand for a Commission of Inquiry into the recent death in prison of Carl Williams, ‘a prominent underworld figure’. Major newspapers called upon the Premier of Victoria to institute a Commission of Inquiry to delve deep into ‘the complex connections between corrupt police and other public officials, underworld violence, and those in the wider society who are the beneficiaries of corruption’. Since the work of a Commission of Inquiry is open to the public, the inquiry can provide the opportunity for the public ‘to know what connections there may be between police or former police and organised crime figures’. Sherman further contends that:

‘Defining criminal conduct by public officials as corrupt conduct rather than as criminal conduct is in itself symbolic. Investigation into “police corruption” rather than into “criminal police officers” symbolizes a public willingness to regard criminal and other forms of misconduct by public officials simply as criminal matters that require criminal sanctions. It is not the misdeed of officials that are corrupt but that such behavior by persons in their public role is a misuse of power and authority that is a matter of public trust in public organizations.’

And ‘scandal being a symbolic public reaction to an organizational breach of trust’ it can also shape public opinion about the policies ‘selected to control misconduct,’  expose existing subculture and, if it exists, the environment of ‘frustration, disappointment depression, and fear’.
In Australia, Royal Commissions gained momentum in 1980s when Justice Edward William delivered his findings on Drug Trafficking, identifying Sydney as ‘the centre of $59 million heroin trade’ and ‘also found weaknesses in costal surveillance and customs’. This was followed by Frank Costigan’s Joint Federal Victorian Royal Commission established to investigate the Federated Ship, Painters and Dockers Union, money laundering an drug trafficking. The investigation later included the Nugan Hand bank, known to be ‘linked with money laundering and drugs’. These investigations certainly left a blueprint of anti-corruption culture, highlighting the extent of underworld crime in Australia. The impact of those powerful Royal Commissions was that ‘in the years to come, the various royal commissions exposed a world of corruption few Australians realised existed. The late Kerry Packer was enmeshed in the P&D inquiry. Another result was the introduction of legislation, the Crimes (Taxation Offences) Act 1980, which put an end to ‘bottom of the harbour’ schemes’. Overall, Royal Commissions, at least, have ‘latent function’, the capacity to ‘expose the cracks and wounds’ within the public institutions of the Police and government. The era of commissions of inquiry also highlighted the separation of powers in a liberal democratic system and the importance of imposing the rule of law against the tendency to subdue it, for the sake of greed. 

Conclusion

Risks of corruption in the Police Force may not only relate to the working environment, subculture of ‘Code of Silence’ and accountability, but also to the nature and complexities of law enforcement and working conditions. Hence, reforms must be an ongoing process and the strategy for a successful reform needs to equate with reality of diverse police functions. This would help determine what resources should be invested in which department. Human resources trained over many years and with much-needed institutional memory, need to be cherished. Therefore, investing on human resources to lift their spirit and performance is of paramount importance. The popular media piece chosen for this essay highlights the symbiosis between the underworld and power politics and it underpins public trust on Royal Commissions. Hence, this essay emphasises the groundbreaking work of Justice Williams and the Joint Federal Victorian Royal Commission headed by Frank Costigan. The importance of police integrity and humility is stressed as being critical for institutional stability, so the need to nurture these traits as intrinsic part of police officer’s core values and beliefs. Beyond wealth, which does not add value to a police officer, there are the important elements of integrity, trust and respect one receives from others. These are assets for living with the sense of professional achievement and beyond. Adam Smith contends that ‘the love and admiration which we naturally conceive for those whose character and conduct we approve of, necessarily dispose us to desire to become ourselves the objects of the like agreeable sentiment to, and to be as amiable and admirable as those whom we love and admire the most’. Loving and admiring their institution as a uniquely important public asset and, in turn, valuing the prestige entrusted upon them to serve the public may, after all, be the most profound drive available to the Police to fight intrinsic corruption.
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[1] ibid
[2] Ibid
[3] ibid
[4] Ibid
[5] Ibid
[6] J Schultz, Reviving the Fourth State – democracy, accountability, and the media’ Cambridge University Press, UK, 1998
[7] Greg Stolz, ‘Queensland police tied to major drug trafficking’, The Courier Mail, February 3, 2010, accessed February 11, 2011, www.news.com.au/national/queensland-police-tied-to-major-drugtracfficking/story-e...
[8] Taleh Sayed & David Bruce, ‘Police Corruption: Towards a Working Definition’, African Security Review, Vol.7, No.1, 1998, accessed February 10, 2011, www.iss.co.za/pubs/ASR/No1/SayedBruce.html
[9] Ibid
[10] Ibid
[11] Ibid
[12] Ibid
[13] Ibid
[14] Ibid
[15] David Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature, David Norton & Mary Norton (Eds.), Oxford University Press, 2001, Oxford, UK, pp.180 - 184
[16] Ian Munro, ‘Something rotten in the state of Victoria’, Sydney Morning Herald, April 24, 2010, accessed January 27, 2011, www.smh.com.au/action/printArticle?id=1378054
[17] Paul Carter, ‘Lennon speaks at police corruption probe’, Sydney Morning Herald, March 25, 2009, accessed January 27, 2011, www.smh.com.au/action/printArticle?id=433526
[18] Cyrille Fijnaut & Leo Hubers, ‘Corruption, Integrity and Law Enforcement’, in Corruption, Integrity and Law Enforcement, Cyrille Fijnaut & Leo Hubers (eds.), Kluwer Law International, The Hague, Netherlands, pp.3-34, 2002 
[19] Ibid, p.4
[20] Stephen Schwenke, ‘Sectoral Synthesis’, in Fighting Corruption in Developing Countries- Strategies and Analysis, Bertram Spector (ed.), Kumarian Press, Inc., 2005,  pp.164-5
[21] Emphasis in the original
[22] Ibid, p.4
[23] ibid, p5
[24] Rick Sarre & Tim Prenzler, ‘The Relationship Between Police and Private Security: Models and Future Directions’, International Journal of Comparative and Applied Criminology, 24(1), 2000, p.15
[25] Ibid
[26] D Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society- a venture in social forecasting, Basic Book, inc., Publishers, New York, USA, 1973, p.13
[27] Daniel Kaufmann, Aart Kraay & Massimo Mastruzzi, ‘Measuring Corruption: Myths and Realities’, The World Bank,, Washington, USA, December 2006
[28] Police Education Advisory Council, ‘Police for the Future: Review of Recruitment and Selection for the Queensland Police Service’, 1998, pp.x-xxx & 19-29
[29] G Cole, M Gertz & A Bunger, The Criminal Justice System- Politics and Policies,  9th Ed., Thomson Wadsworth, USA, 2004, p.112
[30] Joel Miller, ‘Police Corruption in England and Wales: An assessment of current evidence’, Home Office, Home Office Online Report 11/03
[31] Ibid, p.iii
[32] Ibid
[33] Ibid
[34] Ibid
[35] ibid
[36] Ibid
[37] Tim Prenzler, ‘Is There a Police Culture?’ Australian Journal of Public Administration, 56(4):47-56, December 1997, p.48
[38] C Klockars, Sanja Ivkovich, William Harver and Maria Haberfeld, ‘The Measurement of Police Integrity’, Research Brief, National Institute of Justice, US Department of Justice, May 2000
[39] Ibid
[40] ibid
[41] Ibid, p.2
[42] O Wilson, Police Planning, Charles C Thomas Publisher, Illinois, USA, 1973, p.31
[43] Ibid
[44] Ibid
[45] C Klockers et. al., op. cit., May 2000 
[46] Ibid
[47] Ibid
[48] Ibid
[49] ‘Barrister wanted to bribe police: ICAC’, Sydney Morning Herald, September 24, 2009, accessed February 11, 2011, http://news.smh.com.au/action/printArticle?id=751758
[50] Tim Newman, ‘Understanding and preventing police corruption: lessons form the literature’, Police Research Series Paper 110, Research Development Statistics, Home Office, London, UK,1999
[51] See also Brown, J.M. & Campbell, E.A., “The Cultural Context”. Stress and policing: Sources and strategies’, Chichester: John Wiley & Sons. Pp.147-165, printed by Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia, 2003,  p.164
[52] Ibid, p.vi
[53] Ibid, p.30
[54] Ibid
[55] Ibid
[56] J Dombrink, ‘The Touchables: Vice and Police Corruption in the 1980’, Law and Contemporary Problems, Duke University School of Law, California, USA, 1988
[57] S Schwenke, 2005, p.164
[58] S Rose-Ackerman, Corruption and Government – Causes, Consequences and Reform, Cambridge University Press, 1999, p.25
[59] Ibid
[60] Ibid
[61] A Sen, The Idea of Justice, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Massachutes, USA, 2009, p.7
[62] J Rawls, A Theory of Justice, p.12
[63] Ibid
[64] A Sen, The Idea of Justice, , 2009, p.7
[65] S Schwenke, 2005, p.165
[66] Robert Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, The Free Press, New York, USA, 1968 pp. 186-187
[67] P Hurst, ‘Statism, Pluralism and Social Control’, in Criminology and Social Theory, David Garland & Richard Sparks (eds.), Oxford University Press, UK, 2000, p.128-9
[68] Ibid, p.183
[69] ‘A necessary public inquiry’, Sydney Morning Herald, February 8, 2010, accessed February 11, 2011, www.smh.com.au/action/printArticle?id=1099960
[70] Ibid
[71] Less Kennedy, ‘AFP battles to conceal corruption allegations’, Sydney Morning Herald, July 18, 2010, accessed February 11, 2011, www.smh.com.au/national/afp-battles-to-conceal-corruption-allegations-20100717-1...
[72] Ibid
[73] Ibid
[74] Ibid
[75] C Klockars et. al, May 2000, op.cit., p.1
[76] Ibid
[77] Ibid
[78] L Miller, K Hess & C Orthmann, Community Policing –Partnership for Problem Solving, 6th Ed., Delmar Cengage Learning, California, USA, 2008, p.61
[79] J Skolnick & D Bayley, Community Policing- issues and practices around the world, US Department of Justice, USA, 1988, p.33
[80] W Lippmann, Public Opinion, Wilder publications, VA, USA, 2010, p.174
[81] Aaron Lazare, On Apology, Oxford University Press, New York, USA, 2005, p.114
[82] Lawrence Sherman, Scandal and reform: controlling police corruption, University of California Press, Berkeley, CA, USA, 1978, p.xii
[83] Ibid
[84] E Durkheim, On Morality and Society, edited by Robert Bellah, The University of Chicago Press, Cicago, USA, 973, p.xix
[85] Ibid
[86] Ibid, p.xx
[87] M Findlay, S Odgers & S Yeo, Australian Criminal Justice, 3rd Ed., Oxford University Press, Melbourne, Australia, 2007,   p.28
[88] ‘Williams’ death needs independent inquiry’, Sydney Morning Herald, April 23, 2010, accessed February 11, 2011, www.smh.com.au/action/printArticle?id=1373392
[89] Ibid
[90] Ibid
[91] L Sherman, 1978, op.cit, p.xii
[92] Ibid
[93] L Sherman, 1978, op.cit., p.xiii
[94] R Taylor, T Caety, D Loper, E Fritsh & J Liederbach, Digital Crime and Digital Terrorism, Pearson Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River, New Jersey, USA, 2006, p46
[95] Ibid
[96] Holiday Edition, ‘1980 Cabinet Papers’, The Age, December 31, 2010 – January 1, 2011, p.10
[97] Ibid
[98] Ibid
[99] Ibid
[100] Stanley Cohen, Visions of Social Control – Crime, Punishment and Classification, Polity Press, Cambridge, UK, 1987, p.262
[101] Ibid
[102] David Bayley, ‘It’s Accountability, Stupid!’, in K Bryett & C. Lewis (Eds.), Up-peeling Tradition: Contemporary Policing, MacMillan Education Australia Pty Ltd., pp. 124-140, Melbourne, Australia, 1994 
[103] T Prenzler, December 1997, p.49
[104] A Sen, The Idea of Justice, 2009, p.7
[105] A Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments, Filiquarian Publishing, LLC, UK, 2007, p.148

5 comments:

Anonymous said...

what happened to Jose Belo? Why is it that Agio Pereira is now writting for Tempo Semanal?

Anonymous said...

yes why is it that this idiot is writting for tempo semanal? So Agio Pereira thinks that there is corruption in australian police so it makes ok for the AMP government to be corrupt at all levels including you Agio Pereira

sukaer sanak said...

If Agio Pereira could come up with a comprehensive analysis about corruption and gangster links (read martial arts, weapons misuse, cover up of criminal cases, drug and human traffickers among others) involving some members of Timor Leste Police (PNTL) forces THEN his article would be a better one to read and quoted as a study reference for future reform of PNTL. However smart guy sometime is just an ignorant expert.

Unfortunately from east timorese politicians, one can only expect expertise on others foreign subjects but not their own. Which means timorese politicians are either ignorant on bad things happening inside the country or they are part of those bad things, helping cover up to perpetuate corruptions and bad things inside the country. They are expert in pointing finger on others but fail to see that their four fingers are pointed at themselves. Thanks.

register website domain said...

I absolutely agree with sukaer's point..And i think it is so realistic to agree with him..

Anonymous said...

Agio Pereira should have focused on Timorese issues and writing such articles on East Timor Issues.

what an idiot and ignorant minister/secretary of state. he is writing as if he is the minister at NSW.

you are an ignorant leader . you idiot, why dont you try to do research on PNTL and other criminal issues in timorese society and learn from it then try to come up with some good solution instead of bother about other issues in a well developed country?

Agio Beiktenn,,,, analizador hanesan fali hau be canalizador ne!
No wonder we the timorese hard to develp further. because leaders like this has no idea and interest on how to develop our beloved nation Timor Leste