Akordu Sun Rise Besik Mout ba Tasi Ketan TL Preparadu Tuur Atu Koalia Fali Ema Balun Sadik

Tempo Semanal – Dili, 13/11/2012

Alfredo Pires halo hela esplikasaun
 iha Plenaria Parlamentu Nasional durante
debate Orsamentu Rektifikativu
iha fulan kotuk. (Photo Arkivu TS Special)

Mais ou menus falta tan fulan tolu certeza liu tan iha meadus fulan Fevereiru 2013, tratadu tasi Timor ne’ebe regula destinu dezenvolvimentu area Greater Sun Rise sei mout iha tasi ketan entre Australia ho Timor Leste wainhira parte sira maka involve la simu malu iha hanoin atu dezenvolve area refere.

“Governu akompania situasaun ne’e ho preokupasaun mos ho detailamente. Governu tetu hela obsoeins, konsekuencias ita atu foti desizaun ida ne’e ka ida ne’eba. Iha aspektu pozitivus ne’ebe se ita atu tuur ko’alia fila fali no iha mos riskus balun,” Alfredo Pires hatan ba perguntas ne’ebe dahuluk so’e husi DR. Faustinho Cardoso relasiona ba asuntus akordu TL ho Australia ninian.

Daudaun ne’e ema internasional balun komenta katak osan husi Bayu Udan sei remata iha 2022 no nasaun ne’e sei bangkruta maibe tuir Ministru Alfredo pires katak governu Timor Leste  iha stratejia balun ne’ebe sei la foo sai uluk iha publiku. “Iha fatin publiku ami labele foo sai lai stratejia balun ne’ebe Governu iha atu implementa,” Pires  hateten.

Tuir tratadu ne’ebe iha dehan mos katak wainhira dokumentus sira ne’ebe iha labele resolve situasaun mak iha, “realidade ita sei tuur ko’alia fali I ida-idak buka atu defende ninia interese iha prosesu nia laran.”

Maske ministru ne’e la especifikamente bolu atensaun ba kompania Wood Side ho governu Australia maibe Alfredo Pires ho fiar aan dehan ninia parte preparadu ona atu infrenta kualker situasaun. “Timor leste agora ho rekursu ne’ebe ita iha, la’os financeira de’it maibe ho rekursu umanus no teknikus ne’ebe ita iha, ita preparadu atu infrenta kualker diskusoeins,” Alfredo dale.

Nia esplika liu tan katak daudaun ne’e iha Ministeiru Petroleu iha matenek nain husi nivel barak ho kuinesimentu lei oioin de’it,  Timor Leste mos iha asesu ba advogadus internasionais iha area oioin mos. “Ita Timor oan hat nolu ne’ebe iha ona S2, ita mos foo valor katak ita mos kompriende kona ba area ne’e, iha aspektu tekniku no mos aspektu negosiasoeins, balun mos servisu ona tinan walu ne’ebe kompriende area ida ne’e teknikamente. Teknika tenke mos la’o ho aspektu politika.”

Alfredo pires mos indireitamente no ho meus diplomasia hatan ba artigu ne’ebe publika desde fulan oetobru ate novemru ne’ebe hakerek husi Vicente Mauboci hanesan membru ida husi kompania Toke Oil and gas, SA mak relata katak la iha viabilidade atu lori kadoras mina husi Greater sun rise mai Timor Leste.

“Governu Konsiente atu labele lori sasan aat mai iha nasaun ne’e,” dehan alfredo hodi hatan ba perguntas husi participantes seminariu maibe kua duvidas balun ne’ebe hahu moris iha komunidade ninia hanoin depois de artigu husi Mauboci.

Governu Timor Leste firme iha ninia argumentu atu lori pipa husi Gretaer sun Rise mai iha nasaun RDTL nu’udar apresenta ona iha planu stratejiku dezenvolvimentu nasional. Tuir dokumentus ne’ebe ema foti subar hodi entrega ba Jornal Tempo Semanal hatudu momos katak Governu halo esforsu maka’as atu prepara dadus balun hodi sai hanesan baze de argumentu nune’e hamosu mos pakote Referendum iha estudu balun.

Hanesan haktuir iha akordu ida mos mak asina husi presidenti kompania Toke oil and Gas, SA, Marc MosZkowski ho Primeiru Ministru no Ministru Rekursus Naturais, Kay Rala Xanana gusmao iha tinan ruma kotuk tuir dalan pakote Referendum kompania refere hetan projeitu atu halo estudu kona ba ooffshore ground investigation ho servisu survey Bathymetric iha area inshore tolu hanesan iha suai ho Betano, ne’ebe aprova ona husi Ministra Finanacas Emilia Pires iha loron 14/12/2009 hodi halo pagamentus ba Tole oil ho montante US$ 2, 969,835. Maibe estudante Universidade balun duvidas ho esplikasaun husi Ministru pires ho artigu Mauboci ninian.

“Depois de salin osan besik milaun tolu ne’e maka resultadu ikus husi estudu ne’e hanesan Sr. Vicente Mauboci deklara iha ninia artigu ne’e entaun dezastre bo’ot ida ba ita nia nasaun,” dehan Estudante UNTL husi Fakuldade ekonomia ne’ebe husu atu jornal ne’e labele publika ninia naran.

THE EMILIA AND ALFREDO PIRES HEGEMONY OVER PROJECTS SUCH AS G7 AND TACI MANE

Vicente Maubocy 

OOPINION By Vicente Maubocy

Sister and brother Emilia and Alfredo Pires are trying to inscribe their names in the history of Timor-Leste through G7 or Taci Mane-like projects. They are very good at using opportunities (opportunists) and also at using other people’s sweat and effort (parasites). They sit in in their air conditioned offices and homes, did not spend any time campaigning, and suddenly they have the good fortune of becoming Finance Minister and Minister of Petroleum, their fate arising from Xanana’s big name, according to the “law of the least effort”.

The Melbourne Mafia is very smart when building their structure and putting together their people, and they dominate the Vth Constitutional Government for their own long term self- interest. In this case, the strategic positions are Finance Minister to manage the Government funds, Petroleum Minister, as petroleum is where the government gets all its money, the President of the Council of Ministers, this being the place where important agendas are elaborated and discussed and decisions at high level made, in a way totally controlled by the Melbourne Club Mafia. The Melbourne Club Mafia is aware of our Older Brother’s weaknesses, which helps them achieve their objectives. Facts and evidence will expose their maneuvers and manipulations.

Let’s analyze the trajectories of the Melbourne Club Mafia

Emilia Pires, as the Finance Ministry from 2007 onwards, tried to appropriate the G7 group for her personal projects, showing her performance inside Timor-Leste as well as outside. Inside Timor-Leste, she tried to convince Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao to trust her so that she could impose her personal self-interested views as well as her cronies’ of the Melbourne Club. In that view, she tried to manipulate and dominate economic strategic sectors such as Finance and Petroleum and to manage the Petroleum Fund.

She attempted to convince the International Community through the World Bank Financial Institution. Her strategy for obtaining the trust of the World Bank is to use the flag of the fight against poverty through the institution of G7 so that in the end she could one day become a World Bank manager. She wants to emulate Sri Mulyani, a former Finance Minister from Indonesia, who became a World Bank manager. Emilia is confident that she could use G7 as a springboard to get acquainted with Ban Ki Moon, Secretary General of the United Nations, and get nominated to the world class United Nations Millennium Development Goals Panel. AgioPereira, as the spokesman of Government, releases communiques in praise of Emilia Pires while other members of Government that do not belong to their group do not receive any attention despite their achievements.

In the worst cases of manipulation of the decisions of the Council of Ministers, the final version sent to the President of the Republic for publication in the Journal of the Republic is contrary to the decision. There are many examples, such as when the Government decided to lease the SAPT building to ENSUL for 99 years and the then Minister of Justice expressed his desire to re- examine the issue, which was not authorized by Agio Pereira. The same thing happened about the appointment of the temporary Chairman of the Board of RTTL, Esposito Ximenes, whose mandate was supposed to be for the duration of the Government only and a new Chairman should have been appointed by the new Government: in reality, it was learned later that the appointment of Mr. Esposito Ximenes had been recorded in the Journal of the Republic for a four year mandate.

Manipulations by Emilia Pires

Emilia Pire’s actions have demonstrated her ambition: to add the Foreign Affairs Minister’s portfolio to her own Finance Minister portfolio. According to the constitution of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, the mission of the Foreign Affairs Minister is to execute the external affairs policies. A few years ago the then Minister of Foreign Affairs Zacarias Albano da Costa had a confrontation with Emilia Pires and big boss Agio Pereira of the Melbourne Club, involving Xanana. Emilia Pires had lobbied an Indian IT Training Institute to accept students from Timor. It appeared later that the Institute had no international recognition. More seriously, Emilia Pires sent her Director General for Cooperatives to sign an agreement, in violation of state protocol: in the case of a treaty between nations, in absence of the Minister, only the Vice-Minister is entitled to sign. Director General Santina Cardose was made Vice Minister and the decision was forced on old man Xanana.

In this Vth Constitutional Government, Jose Luis Guterres doesn’t have any power as foreign Affairs Minister, he doesn’t execute any foreign affairs policies, he just attends to meetings and establishes agendas according to Amelia’s strategic interests. Amelia Pires grasped the role of Foreign Minister so that she could solve the problems of the world and implement her ambitions with regards to the G7. Inside the country, Emilia Pires and Agio Pereira use Xanana’s influence to fulfill their own economic objectives. For all things, the final decision is theirs. For example, recently, before the formation of the Vth Government, they were not part to the electoral campaign efforts, but although the CNRT Party Structure was the one to really work hard, in the end it was not involved in the decision making to form the Government. The ones who decided were Agio Pereira, Emilia Pires, and the Melbourne Club.

Dionisio Babo is nominally the Secretary General of CNRT, but in reality the Secretary General is Agio Babo, advised by Emilia Pires. The list of cabinet candidates that was presented to Xanana was elaborated by Agio Pereira and Emilia Pires of the Melbourne Club. 

The list of candidates

prepared by the Executive Structure of CNRT did not even reach Xanana. This shows that the Melbourne Club tries hard to isolate Xanana from the structure of CNRT.

The composition of the Vth Government clearly shows that the Melbourne Club Mafia is consolidating its power through enhanced portfolios: Agio Pereira, Minister of State, President of the Council of Ministers, Emilia Pires, Finance Minister with a portfolio reinforced by that of the former Economy and Development Minister, Joao Goncalves, and Alfredo Pires, promoted from Secretary of State to Minister, thus gathering the power to make all the decisions for the big projects of Taci Mane, Greater Sunrise, etc. The Melbourne Club Mafia installed their people in all the key positions of the economy: Petroleum Fund Manager at the Finance Ministry, ANP, Timor GAP, FCDH, CNA, etc. The Melbourne Club also tried to obtain $200 million more for the budget by using the Petroleum Fund and financial operations on the international market. Emilia Pires with her Melbourne Club Mafia has also installed her agents in all Ministries and more importantly in the Cabinet of the Prime Minister where a strategy was elaborated to ensure that their messages reach the Prime Minister at the appropriate time. Before meeting with the Prime Minister to impose their plans, Emilia Pires, Alfredo Pires and Agio Pereira first call Elizabeth Esposto to inquire whether “the Prime Minister is in a good mood or not”. If Elizabeth says “the Prime Minister is in a god mood”, then they go and see Prime Minister Kay Rala Xanana Gusmao. A concrete result is the Hera port and there are many more.

Emilia Pires, Alfredo Pires, Agio Pereira and their Melbourne Club Mafia enjoy a special treatment: for example, only just recently, before the Budget Ratification, all members of government had to stay in Timor to discuss the issue. However, the Melbourne Club could enjoy their holiday abroad, instead of staying home to discuss the Budget Ratification.

The Budget Ratification wasn’t obtained yet that Agio Pereira went overseas, and Alfredo Pires and his Melbourne Club spent the holidays in Bali, at Nusa Dua, while other Members of Government were in Parliament, responding to Parliamentarian criticism.

Emilia Pires manages to impose her desires and ambition to appropriate G7 in order to promote herself so that one day she can obtain a position of responsibility within some international financial institution. She takes advantage of Prime Minister Kay Rala Xanana Gusmao and other available resources, technical and financial, at her office to promote her activities at G7 level. Helder da Costa is the intellectual PhD and the Master of Ceremonies to promote Emilia Pires’ image, prestige and name within international financial institutions, so that one day she can develop some career at the World Bank.

Evidence of these self-promotional efforts is to be found in the “Four Corners” program of Australian ABC on October 1st, 2012. She showed herself on television, discussing tax matters related to Bayu Undan, claiming that ConocoPhillips owed $3 billion in back taxes. I have the feeling that this is some big absurdity. Why did she not wake up until now? Five years in the job and Emilia Pires’ and Alfredo Pires’ teams were not interested in the matter until now? Didn’t the tax teams of the Ministry of Finance and the accounting team of ANP monitor the production quantities weekly, monthly and yearly? More ironically, upon inquiring ourselves with ANP in the past, we found the data there were absolutely inconsistent. When we inquired about the correct data from the Australian Resource Department, we were told that ANP was in charge of all that information (big confusion).

Later on, a lady from the Australian Resource Department came to visit Emilia Pires and when she inquired about production quantities, Emilia said: “I don’t know!” (big absurdity). She should have said: “I don’t know the exact quantities but however I will let you know after I consult with the relevant division”. This shows Emilia Pires is a “dimwit”.

Alfredo flew to Suai in a UN helicopter with the ABC reporter to make propaganda for his mega project, Taci Mane. They then went to Hera to show the Power Plant and he said that the pipeline from Sunrise would supply the gas for the Power Station. More ridiculously, Alfredo promoted the Hera Power Plant as his own project, within his portfolio. According to regulation, he should have invited Januario Pereira, the Secretary of State for Electricity, to accompany him, as this project belongs to Januario’s Department.

I asked Januario about the visit and he said: “Brother, I didn’t know”. I told Januario: “you must be careful with the Melbourne Club Mafia, we will end up like headless chicken”. Also, “we cleared the land, sowed the seeds, harvested the crop, took the crop to the house and cooked, after which the Melbourne Club Mafia stole all the food from us. They eat and are satisfied, but we only have air to fill our bellies and by the end of the day we will be sick”.

I have no idea how Alfredo will bring the gas from Beaco to Hera. Which means of transportation will he use? Pipeline? Ships? Trucks? From the way it looks his concept is not very clear. How can Alfredo achieve success? I have a lot of doubt about Alfredo’s capacity to carry out his Taci Mane project. In the next article, I will describe in detail all the reasons why the Taci Mane Project will not succeed, so that readers can appreciate the issues and make their own assessments.

Practice is the criterion of truth, acts derive from thinking. From their behavior, I am convinced that the Melbourne Mafia now in the Vth Government dominates the strategic sectors of Finance, Petroleum and the Presidency of the Council of Ministers, with their own agenda about all the important national issues. I can see that some members of the Vth Government are clever, but they don’t have the courage to counter the Melbourne Club Mafia.

How can we fight the manipulations of the Melbourne Club Mafia?

This is the responsibility of all, Parliamentarians, Politicians, Academics, Businesspeople: all together we have the strength to destroy it.

TIMOR SEA TREATY

OPINION By Vicente Maubocy 

This article will analyze the lifetime of Bayu Undan. Within three years liquids will be exhausted and revenue will drop 65%; examine the Sunrise economic value; investigate the LNG versus FLNG polemic; comment on which one is better for Timor-Leste.

The question of the Timor Sea resources is practically within the exclusive scope of Alfredo and Monteiro’s. Decisions are made according to their taste and pleasure. Their lies would lead Prime Minister Xanana to spend billions of dollars from the Petroleum Fund in projects which will not contribute to the better livelihood of the people in the future.

This article will justify, using the evidence below, why the South Coast Project is irrational and absurd. It will also reveal facts and the logical justification of the FLNG versus LNG polemic.

There is another important question for the readers. Why has Maubocy just woken up and why did he not come up to the public before?

The answer is consideration for and protection of our Older Brother Xanana. Since August 2007 and up to August 2012 the political situation was heated. Had I opened my mouth I would have put our Older Brother Xanana’s reputation and credibility at risk, and the political opposition would have taken advantage of the momentum to discredit our Older Brother.

Also, the political stability was fragile all around Dili; hence I didn't want to add fuel to the fire and opted for "silence", so the opponents would not attack our Older Brother Xanana.

In August 2008, one month after starting the bathymetric survey, we alerted Alfredo and Monteiro that the results of the survey indicated that the pipeline would face "great risk" due to the complex topography of the ocean floor. It would be better to think about "another option" in order not to spend millions or billions of dollars in vain.

During the 2011 survey of the LNG plant site in Beaco, we again advised Monteiro and Domingos Lekisiga that the Beaco location was "not suitable" to build an LNG infrastructure because there were indications of soil erosion offshore that represented a large obstacle to the pipeline and would use up billions of dollars. We asked: if thepipeline to Beaco fails, how will you fix the thing? They are all young. Without the experience they replied proudly: "no problem".

I thought about talking to our Older Brother about this issue. After considering for a week whether to go or not to go, I finally made the decision not to go, and rather wait for the results of 2012 elections. This way Alfredo and Monteiro would have the opportunity to hit their head against the wall and learn the great lesson of their lifes, that they should not play around with very high cost projects.

The Timor Sea Treaty in 2003 covers three issues

1. It refers to the JPDA area where Timor-Leste gets 90% of the revenue from Gas and Condensate and Australia gets 10%;

2. In relation to the Unitization Agreement, Timor-Leste gets 18% from Sunrise for its territorial waters possession;

3. In January 2006 the Australian and Timor-Leste Foreign Affairs Ministers signed the Certain Maritime Arrangements in the Timor Sea (CMATS) Treaty according to which Timor-Leste gets 50% of the Sunrise revenue and puts off all claims to new maritime borders for 50 years.

On 27 February 2007 the CMATS Treaty entered into force. However, should a development plan not be implemented within six years, the agreement could become void.

Reserves at Bayu Undan

The Bayu Undan reserve is the main source of current revenue, between $130-150 million monthly for Timor-Leste. Timor-Leste has $12 billion deposited in an American bank.

Gas quantity: 3.4 tcf; during the last seven year 1.2 tcf have been produced; the balance is 2.2 tcf. If divided by 0.17 (the annual production), we find the remaining gas will last for 13 years. The price of gas is lower than that of the liquids. Price of liquids is two to three times higher than that of gas.

Liquids (condensates): 380 million barrels; 275 million barrels have been produced in nine years based on an annual consumption of 30.55. (275/9).

380-275 = 105/30.55 = 3.4. The result of this calculation is that the reserve of liquids only has 3.4 years to go. One thing the people doesn’t know, is that the price of liquids is higher, and represents the equivalent of 65% of the revenue. If the revenue from the liquids ends, revenues will drop to $50-30 million monthly. After looking at these figures we need to be very cautious about how arbitrarily we spend money and we need to seek ways for Sunrise to enter into production in the next five years, before the Bayu Undan reserves dry up.

Economic value of Sunrise

The Sunrise gas total reserve is 5.2 tcf; condensate 225 million barrels. Total sales $48 billion (capital investment $9 billion, operation costs$ 8.7 billion).

Gas income for Timor-Leste: $7.8 billion, income for liquids $5.3 billion. Additional cost to bring LNG plant to Beacu: $5 billion. Hence, according to Alfredo and Monteiro’s dream, they must spend an extra $5 billion to build the required infrastructure. If doing so, the spare gas money will be only $2.5 billion.

Based on references from La’o Hamutuk, Alfredo’s mega projects on the South Coast will cost $5-$10 billion. Therefore the $12 billion of the Petroleum Fund will be up to Alfredo to spend as he sees fit. Management and Administration fees for the South Coast project will be 10%, the equivalent of $500 million for Alfredo and his group to become millionaires and be the new masters in Timor-Leste.

Try to apply $5 billion to housing for the veterans at the unit cost of $50,000 per house, you’ll get 100,000 houses. If building each house employs four people you will create jobs for 400,000 workers.

When comparing Alfredo’s $5 billion South Cost Project with building 100,000 houses for the people, which one comes as the better of the two? Readers, politicians, civil society, members of parliament, you can reach to the conclusion.

LNG versus FLNG: which one is better for Timor-Leste?

LNG and FLNG are practically the same thing. LNG facilities or infrastructures are built onshore and those for an FLNG, offshore.

Alfredo and Monteiro want the LNG in Beacu and for that they will spend $5-$10 billion so as to get their 10% administration fee. With this rationale, they stubbornly lie left and right to implement their plan and achieve their objectives.

Building the LNG Plant will require infrastructures as follows; refrigeration equipment separation equipment, compressors, offloading equipment, port, pipeline, wide roads from Dili to Viqueque to transport the equipment because a port does not exist yet.

Risks to the pipeline

In September 2008, after getting the first results for the bathymetric survey, we alerted Alfredo and Monteiro that the ocean floor was not favorable and the pipeline would face great risk . Hence try to look at other options. In 2011 we warned Alfredo again that in Beaco the pipeline option would incur many difficult technical problems. It could be a success or a failure.

Associated risks

1. During the pipeline installation phase, if water enters the pipeline by accident the weight of the pipeline will increase from 700 tons to 1,500-3,000 tons, above the ocean floor, which exceeds the capacity of any pipeline vessel in the world. How to face this situation when it happens?

2. During the production phase, if water or any liquid enters the pipeline, how to remove it? If liquids are not extracted gas will not come from the bottom of the pipeline to the surface. What kind of system will be used to remove water or liquids from inside the pipeline? There is no doubt that the production would be paralyzed. Have Messrs. Monteiro and Alfredo thought about these details? The devil is in the details.

3. If the pipeline falls to the sea bottom (during installation) how will it be lifted? The manufacturing of pipe will take three years. Should we wait another three years?

4. There is not a single system so far able to lay heavy pipelines in depths of 3000m. Alfredo and Monteiro, please say which one, and where?

5. The major problem is not based on slopes. It is based on the nature of the very rough terrain and very complex issues like depth, erosion and difficult bottom curvature.

FLNG

The FLNG is a new system that provides an alternative to the LNG Plant via the pipeline. I don’t know if Alfredo and Monteiro follow the news about the impact of the FLNG in the gas industry. Prelude in Australia has begun construction, with capacity of four million metric ton a year (mta). PETRONAS in Sarawak (Malaysia) also has adopted an FLNG with 2 million mta capacity.

Recently Santos and Suez announced on 9 October they would use an FLNG at their Bonaparte field 250 km East of Bayu Undan and 250 km West of Darwin.

In relation to Abadi (Indonesia), near Sunrise, an FLNG will also be used, and likewise Brazil is also interested in using FLNG’s.

One important thing is: why do Santos and Suez not use the LNG Plant in Darwin with its value of $7 billion when the distance to it is about half the distance from Bayu Undan to Darwin. The ocean floor terrain there is favorable? Why do Santos and Suez prefer an FLNG?

I humbly ask Alfredo and Monteiro, and all the Timorese, to reflect in search for the answers.

In conclusion:

1. The LNG Plant in Beaco with all the South Coast Project will cost an additional $5-$10 billion;

2. If adopting an FLNG, Timor Leste would not spend a penny; in exchange it would get $13 billion in revenue;

3. It is far more secure for the Timor-Leste Government to adopt a system without risks, and without spending a penny;

Recommendations:

i. All Timorese should open their minds and tell the opportunists, of which some are in the Government, to first spend money for "people's stomachs". The South Coast Project only benefits Alfredo’s group with its 10% administration fees.

ii. Our Older Brother Xanana, it would be better if you looked for someone else to seek a quicker solution for Sunrise, because the Government needs the money. Alfredo and Monteiro do not have the competence as reality has demonstrated.

iii. People will not see the pipeline under the sea. It would be better to spend the money directly on people’s daily livelihood.

PM Hirus Minitru Dezenvolvimentu Economia Tan Ba Tenta Troka Centru Refujiadus ho Pipa Greater Sunrise

Tempo Semanal-Dili,01.02.2011

Tuir fontes jornal ne'e ninian iha konsellu de Ministru hodiseik (30/01) PM Xanana ruun nehan ba Ministru Ekonomia no Dezenvolvimentu Joao Gonsalves tan ba ninia intervista ba jornalista sira ne'ebe ministru ne'e tenta atu troka kadoras Mina no gas iha Greater Sunrise ho proposta Centru Refujiadus husi Primeira Ministra Australia.
Fontes ne'e mos informa katak DR. Joao Goncalves nega katak nia ko'alia lia fuan sira ne'e foin lalais liu ba maibe durantee debate orsamentu do Estadu Membru Governu ne'e informa katak,"Ha’u mak atu lidera prosesu negosiaun ida ne’e karik ha’u dehan nune’e. Ha’u foo uluk kondisaun preliminar rua. Ida premeiru, Pipeline ne’e tenke mai iha Timor. Ida segundu ne’ene, se atu foo fatin ruma tau refujiadus sira ne’e, imi ba dezenvolve fatin sira ne’e. Tau bee mos, tau eletrisidade, tau estradas ne’ebe di’ak, tau ponte kais ida, kampu aviasaun oan ida. Bu’at ne’ebe mak ita nia populasaun, ita nia povu presiza," dehan DR. Joao Goncalves ba jornalista sira iha uma fukun Parlamentu Nasional semana kotuk.

Ministru ne'e hatutan katak, "Centru refujiaduz karik mak loke iha Timor mos, la’os bu’at ne’e katak sira atu mai permanente iha ne’e. Tinan lima ka balun bele to’o tinan sanolu karik bu’at ne’e bele taka ona. Bu’at taka tiha ona, bu’at ne’ebe sira halo iha ne’ene hela ba ita nia povu, ita nia populasaun, ba ita rain."

Fontes Jornal Tempo Semanal ne'e mos dehan PM Xanana hateten ba Ministru Joao katak, " Uluk Ministru foo ona Atauro ba Sira (Refujiadus)."

Governu harii ona ekipa kompostu husi Vice Ministru Estranjeiru ho Sekretariu Estadu Seguransa maibe seidauk l,oke ibun Ministru sira seluk maka hahu ko'alia uluk ona.

Membru do Governu ida seluk mos sente sokadu ho lala'ok ministru Joao ne'ebe ladun konsidera ninia lia fuan. "Primeiru Ministru maka lidera Governu no seidauk foo poder ida ba sira Ministru Joe atu ko'alia. Ministru ne'e ko'alia arbiru de'it."

Jornal ne'e koko konfirma mos ho membru do Governu seluk fali mos dehan hanesan. "Hodiseik iha konsellu dos Ministru PM hirus loos kona ba deklarasaun Ministru Joao ninian ne'e."

Tuir analizador politiku Nelson Koreia hateten katak Jornalista sira ko'alia ho "Wrong Person" (ema sala).
"Sr. Joao Goncalves, nia la reprezenta state, nia so ministru dezenvolvimentu ekonomia. I la iha mandatu especial ida para nia atu ko'alia kona ba bu'at ida ne'e. Ne'e nia opinaiun ida ke bele halo satisfas de'it  ema tan ba nia iha ligasaun emosional ho Australia," dehan Nelson.

Tuir Nelson katak Ministru Ekonomia salta tama ona ba area ema seluk ninian. "Area ida ne'e la'os ninia area para nia komentariu," kritika nelson.

"Ita labele kahor buat ruma ne'e. Problema pipeline ne'e direitu juridiku. No centru refujiadus ne'e problema internal Australia ninian," Remata nelson.

Iha parte seluk wainhira jornal ne'e konfirma fali sekretariu do Estadu rekursus Naturais Alfredo Pires mos rekuinese katak iha diskusaun manas entre membru do Governu hodiseik maibe, "presiza separa asuntu greater Sunrise ho centru Refujiadus.

Sekretariu Estadu ne'e dehan Ministru ekonomia informa ona ba membru Governu sira katak ninia deklarasaun ne'e halo iha tinan kotuk maibe tuir loloos deklarasaun ne'e ministru foo ba jornalista sira iha tempu durante diskusaun orsamentu do estadu tinan 2011 iha uma fukun Paralamentu nasional.

Nia deskorda ho Ministru Dezenvolvimentu ekonomia Joao Goncalves kona ba atu troka kadoras ho centru refujiadus. (TS).

Tempo Semanal Edisaun 158a

PRH, Pires Determined for TL Pipeline

Comments by President Ramos-Horta and Secretary of State for Natural Resources, Alfredo Pires, indicate there are more gaps regarding the nation's natural resources than that which lies in the Timor Sea.

Timor-Leste's leaders are still at odds with foreign resources companies over the best way to exploit the Greater Sunrise oil and gas field.

Speaking to Tempo Semanal from New York last week, President Dr Jose Ramos-Horta said, "I continue to defend that the pipeline should come to East Timor".

"One pipeline [is] already going to Darwin from Bayu Undan, so this pipeline [Greater Sunrise] should come to East Timor. And if Australia is to be fair and wants to really have help neighbour like East Timor, wants a stable and prosperous neighbour, it should help East Timor with the pipeline, instead of trying take away the pipeline from East Timor to Australia," Dr Ramos-Horta continued.

The President dismissed fears that Timor-Leste was not stable enough for on-shore processing and export, saying, "This is total misinformation. East Timor is as safe as Australia and safe like any country."

While he did not comment on whether natural resource mismanagement may destabilise Timor-Leste in the future, Dr Ramos-Horta continued, stating, "There so many countries around the world where they have oil and gas that are much less safe than East Timor. Look at Nigeria and look at Iraq: are they are going to stop oil and gas exploration and production in Nigeria and Iraq?"

This position differs from that of Woodside Petroleum, the Australian company that leads the business consortium—which includes companies such as ConocoPhillips, Osaka Gas, and Shell—that intends to exploit Greater Sunrise.

A spokesperson for Woodside last week confirmed the company's ongoing position that it has abandoned the Timor-Leste pipeline option, and would decide between a floating Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) processing facility (the first of its kind in the world), or a pipeline to Darwin by the end of this year.

"We will be pursuing the most commercially viable option for all parties involved," the spokesperson said.

The spokesperson could not reveal details about Woodside's non-Timorese processing plans or its position on national security if a pipeline was constructed to Timor-Leste, but said studies were currently being conducted to determine which of the two non-Timor-based options the company will pursue.

The spokesperson also stated that future negotiations would follow existing treaties regarding political and commercial involvement in Greater Sunrise.

The Timor-Leste Secretary of State for Natural Resources, Alfredo Pires, last week dismissed the Darwin pipeline option and continued to endorse constructing a pipeline to Timor-Leste, stating via SMS that, "It is technically possible, commercially viable and legaly [sic] merited".

Yet a February 2008 report by the Timor-Leste Institute for Reconstruction Monitoring and Analysis (La'o Hamutuk) cautions that there are more than just technical, commercial, or legal risks that a Timor-Leste pipeline presents.

The report (available at www.laohamutuk.org) is titled Sunrise LNG in Timor-Leste: Dreams, Realities and Challenges, and states, "… fragility and inexperience of state institutions, lack of human resources, inability to implement government programs [must] be overcome before a project like the Sunrise LNG plant can safely and effectively benefit current and future generations. Before companies will invest billions of dollars in a plant on our shores, they, their customers and our people must be confident that the facility will operate harmoniously for three decades or more".

The report states Timor-Leste's people need to be better-informed of their government's plans for LNG development; that adequate laws be implemented to safeguard land rights, environmental sustainability, traditional cultural values, accountable governance, and the rights of workers involved in an on-shore LNG plant; and that Timor-Leste's population be properly trained to work within such a venture.

The report recommended delaying construction until 2015 because these goals are yet to be achieved, in order to, "[give] us more time to prepare to receive its [Greater Sunrise's] benefits. Although these options may be less preferable for the companies, they would be better for Timor-Leste's people".

If the three- to six-year construction process doesn't commence until 2015, all involved parties still must agree on a development plan that incorporates this before the Certain Maritime Arrangements in the Timor Sea treaty expires in February 2013 (as stated in the accompanying illustration from Sunrise LNG in Timor-Leste). This gives the Government of Timor-Leste three-and-a-half years at most to demonstrate to the Australian Government and Woodside that it is capable of managing an LNG processing plant and associated activities in Timor-Leste.

Despite this, the Government of Timor-Leste is adamant that a pipeline to Timor-Leste can be viably managed. Last June, Mr Pires stated the Government was prepared to wait if

Woodside was not yet convinced of the Timor-Leste option, stating, "Right now if things don't progress and move in a fair manner, Timor-Leste will be pressured to take what I call the fourth option, which means to leave it [Greater Sunrise development] to future generations".

Relations with the Government of Timor-Leste and Woodside have been tested in the past, with Tempo Semanal's publication earlier this year of excerpts from a 2004 report by Norwegian company, Lucon A/S, which criticised the Australian company for misleading the Government of Timor-Leste into thinking the Timor-Leste pipeline option was unviable.

"[The National Petroleum Authority] feels that Timor-Leste option has not been given the right attention," Mr Pires said. "In particular now, we have studies from the side to proof that the Timor-Leste option is much more viable than what we've been lead to believe." 

TP Defends Stance and Promises Progress

The following is a statement made last week by Zeinal Bava, the president of Telecom Portugal. 

Telcom Portugal in a number of countries operates competitions. In all of those markets where we operate against other operators, we are leaders so we are not shy of competition.

What I can tell you is that we have a concession agreement. We invested in Timor when it was just become independent. So I think we have gone through the pains of social unrest and so on and so forth.

We have concession agreement which, in some extent, give us certain rights and certain responsibilities as well. And, as far as we are concerned, the strategic plans that we are announcing today provide the roadmap for the local government to judge our efforts against. And six to nine months from now if we are not able to deliver the result then I suspect we have to seat down with the government and discuss various options.

Having said that, as you know, the concept of competition in Telecoms goes well-beyond just having local competitor. Our competition increasing as the world wide web. So from that standpoint, in the years already a significant competition in Timor particularly in Internet site.

As you can imagine the content of my discussion with Prime Minister is private, so I will not share with you what we discussed. But what I can tell you is that we relayed to him exactly what I just told you that we are confident of the future outlook of Timor-Leste.

We are very confident of our own ability to deliver on the strategic plan. And this strategic plan—if implemented, and I think it will get implement well by us—will put Timor and will make Timor as a reference point in terms of network architecture and telecom performance in this region.

Tempo Semanal Edisaun 143 addendum

Aust Embassy: Greater Sunrise must benefit Timor-Leste

READERS NOTE: Tempo Semanal is aware that it is not typical journalistic practice to directly express a newspaper’s opinion on such topics. The reporter responsible for this story intended the initial phrase of this story’s seventh paragraph to reflect opinions of sources he had consulted with. Tempo Semanal will write a formal correction notice in the next edition (22/06/09).

The Australian Embassy in Dili this week confirmed its government’s partnership with the Government of Timor-Leste to exploit the Greater Sunrise gas field will not commit to develop the field until a mutually viable plan has been established.

A spokesperson for the Embassy confirmed that the two governments are awaiting a presentation by a commercial consortium of their plan for exploitation of the field, which will include where and how they plan to process the gas extracted.

The consortium is led by Australian company, Woodside, and includes the foreign interests of Conoco Philips, Shell and Osaka Gas.

“No decision has been made on where a pipeline will go, or whether the gas will be processed at the site of extraction. This is a commercial decision for the companies involved, in accordance with the treaties,” stated the spokesperson.

The spokesperson also stated that, contrary to recent commentary, the Government of Timor-Leste would not be at a loss if a pipeline from Greater Sunrise was not constructed to Timor-Leste, given arrangements for Australia’s and Timor-Leste’s governments to each receive 50% of petroleum taxation revenues from the area.

“The suggestion that Timor-Leste will not benefit from the development of Greater Sunrise if the pipeline does not come to Timor-Leste is not correct. Shared production revenues from Bayu Undan (from which gas is piped to Darwin, Australia) are already providing the bulk of resources for the government budget through the Petroleum Fund and, with continued prudent management, will do so for many years into the future. Similarly, petroleum taxation revenues from the Greater Sunrise development would be an extremely valuable source of income for Timor-Leste for many years.”

It is this newspaper’s opinion (according to Timorese Government and business sources) that a pipeline to Timor-Leste would benefit this nation in ways other than through these taxation revenues, not least through commercially expressing its population’s national aspirations to retain greater control of resources that lie closer to Timor-Leste than Australia.

In keeping with previous arrangements, the Government of Australia is obliged to include the Government of Timor-Leste in decisions regarding the Greater Sunrise gas field. The Australian Embassy’s response to this newspaper’s questions and an Australian Embassy press release from 2 June have confirmed this, and do not give any indication of behaviour that may jeopardise Timor-Leste’s profits from future Greater Sunrise revenues.

Moreover, the Government of Timor-Leste’s long-term consultation with various interested parties indicates a maturity in its planning strategy that recognises each party’s position and is determined not to be taken advantage of, as may have happened in the past.

In 2004, the Australian company, Woodside, misled the Government of Timor-Leste when it was investigating options for transporting and potentially processing natural resources from Greater Sunrise.

A 2004 Norwegian report into Woodside’s feasibility study earlier that year criticised the company for approximately doubling the cost of constructing a pipeline to this nation’s southern coast from the minimum cost required.

In an exclusive interview with Tempo Semanal this week (see pages one and seven of this edition), Timor-Leste’s Secretary of the State for Natural Resources, Alfredo Pires, confirmed the need to be cautious in future planning, given how important future petroleum revenues are to one of the most underdeveloped nations in south-east Asia.

“Timor-Leste is not a mere stakeholder in the sunrise issue: we are owners,” Mr Pires said.

“We are very concerned of the viability of a project. That is why we have done other studies on the side to prove some suspicions we had. So far those suspicions had been proved correctly.”

“The Timor-Leste option is much more viable than what we’ve been lead to believe.”

In its press release on 2 June, the Australian Embassy stated the Australian Government had not urged Woodside or the Government of Timor-Leste to build a pipeline to Darwin, and did not comment on the integrity of Woodside’s past or present dealings in the Greater Sunrise issue.

“It is the companies who will be taking the risk in investing the billions of dollars required to establish the infrastructure necessary to extract and process the gas, so it is they, not our government, who must determine how best to process the gas,” the spokesperson said.

While at times it may be hard to distinguish between a Government’s interests and those of a company from the same country, this newspaper recognises that the Australian Government acknowledges the Government and people of Timor-Leste’s interests in maximising national benefits from Greater Sunrise exploitation.

According to an interview with Mr Pires in this edition of Tempo Semanal, the Government of Timor-Leste still appears to be pursuing a national pipeline strategy, and is prepared to delay the Greater Sunrise’s exploitation if such a strategy may not benefit Timor-Leste in the manner its people require.

Tempo Semanal Edisaun 143

Timor-Leste Proven It’s Suspicious of Australian Woodside Company

Tempo Semanal, Dili, Timor-Leste

Including an Exclusive Interview with Mr. Alfredo Pires, East Timor Secretary of State for Natural Resources

The Government of Timor-Leste is firm in its position to find ways of bringing the pipeline from the Greater Sunrise oil field, a joint development area between Australia and Timor-Leste, to its territory. Timor-Leste is Asia’s poorest country. This initiative, according to the government, will give the necessary boost to the economy and assist with addressing such issues poverty and infant mortality. In a statement the Australian embassy in Dili said it agreed that the project should become an engine for development but added the way to proceed “is to let commercial operators get on with the job they know best, extracting and processing those resources in the most cost effective way, thus maximizing the benefits that will flow to the people of Timor-Leste, both for the current generation and in the future”. However, Rui Castro, a businessman and former resistance activist, was adamant that Australia should be more sympathetic to its neighbor and let the pipeline come to Timor-Leste. Castro said that Timor-Leste had helped Australia in its hour of need during World War 2 and many Timorese had died in the cause of Australian freedom. “ The Timorese people have forgiven past transgressions by our Australian neighbors, including the signing of a oil agreement during the Indonesian period, and all we’re asking for is a that the Australian government understand that we are a new nation trying to end poverty, develop a health service, and create jobs for the many thousands of unemployed youth”, Castro said. He continued, “We ask that Australia understands our position. We don’t want to be continually asking for donor funds but ask that we be given the chance to develop our economy and one of the best ways of achieving this is that the pipeline comes to Timor-Leste.”

Woodside prefers to drop the Timor-Leste option arguing that it’s to risky because of the trough in the sea between the Greater Sunrise oil/gas field and Timor-Leste, even though the distance is only 150 km. However, Australia’s Woodside Company has chosen an option of a 500 km distance from the Greater Sunrise field to Darwin. A few weeks ago in a meeting in Darwin, the Timor-Leste side noticed that the company had prepared a site in Darwin for the Sunrise LNG plant. Commenting on Woodside’s position Castro, said that Woodside has intentionally done this in order to bring the pipeline to Darwin. “Since 2004, Woodside has consistently ignored the Timor-Leste option which means there has been a plan and the intention has been to bring pipeline to Darwin”, Castro maintains. Castro has appealed to the Australian government to assist in bringing the pipeline to Timor-Leste. In a published document, Woodside has insisted that it is ‘committed to developing the Greater Sunrise resource in a fair and transparent manner’.

Meanwhile on Wednesday, (10/06/09) in an exclusive interview with Tempo Semanal, Mr. Alfredo Pires, East Timor Secretary of State for Natural Resources, said the Government of Timor-Leste has proven its suspicions towards Woodside. “Woodside is can not be consider being a prudent operator to look at Timor-Leste option for obvious reasons. So based on that and other things that Timor-Leste taken initiatives has come to a conclusion which we feel a very strong and very appropriate final outcome.”

Xanana Gusmao government has fought for the pipeline issue since the day he took office in August 2007 and Pires said if Woodside not cooperative then Timor-Leste may prepare for the worst decision: to not to develop the Greater sunrise field. “Timor-Leste feels strongly that pipeline for sunrise its only direction is to Timor-Leste. If not it’s very difficult for Timor-Leste to entertain any other options,” Pires give the option to Woodside.

Pires recently divulged information to Tempo Semanal about a new report from Norwegian Det Norke Veritas (DNV) Company, which says, “there is no stopper for the pipeline to come to Timor-Leste.” To know more about the Timor-Leste Government position please follow Tempo Semanal’s Interview with Mr. Alfredo Pires as below.

TS: Are you still optimistic that the pipeline still going to come to East Timor?

AP: Timor-Leste believes that the pipeline is very big possibility of coming to Timor-Leste on a number of fronts. On the technical aspects and on the commercial aspects, and also we look at the legal arrangement or the treaty arrangement. We have – there are clauses there that state that we need to look at the whole sunrise issue; not only at the technical and commercial issue, but we need to look at the all aspects as equity.

Timor-Leste is not as a mere stakeholders in the sunrise issue: we are owners. We can’t take this issue like this. We are owners. As owners, we need to make sure when we develop the resources. It’s in the interest of the state and companies, who need also to consider that issue. But now what Timor-Leste is requesting is not to make any projects not viable. We are very concerned of the viability of a project. That is why we have done other studies on the side to prove some suspicions we had. So far those suspicions had been proved correctly. The latest study which Timor-Leste has from a very reputable company, a 150-year-old Norwegian Company, stated quite clearly that there are no show-stoppers from the pipeline to come to Timor-Leste. These are some of the basic reasons, but among others reasons Timor-Leste feels strongly that a pipeline for sunrise’s its only direction is to Timor-Leste, if not it’s very difficult for Timor-Leste to entertain any other options.

TS: The Government of Timor-Leste maintains its position while Woodside is not considering the Timor-Leste option. Don’t you think the development of sunrise will happen shortly?

AP: At this stage I can assure you that it will not happen. Officially, the National Petroleum Authority has been ignored by Woodside. This is another attitude that we are not very happy with. Three concepts have been put forward to the National Petroleum Authority and Timor-Leste National Petroleum Authority has been requested for further details that need to look into the three options. And most specifically it feels that Timor-Leste option has not been given the right attention. In particular now, we have studies from the side to proof that the Timor-Leste option is much more viable than what we’ve been lead to believe. And it’s based on this finding and others studies that were previously done. I must remind everyone that in the previous Government, a leading Norwegian expert on the pipeline stated quiet clearly, after looking at the Woodside study, that Woodside can not be considered being a prudent operator to look at Timor-Leste option for obvious reasons. So based on that and other things that Timor-Leste taken initiatives has come to a conclusion which we feel a very strong and very appropriate final outcome.

TS: Do you have an access to the recent studies from Woodside reports and what is your opinion on it?

AP: Yes, we have access to those new reports and those new reports have been looked at by the National Petroleum Authority, which still considers a lot of work needs to be done and has sent back. But while sending back those reports, Woodside continued their statement that the Timor-Leste option is no longer an option. Those international statements are not very appropriate. We think they are misleading. We think the senior management in Woodside are misleading the shareholders of Woodside. This is a serious thing. But from Timor-Leste part taking into consideration our argument about the treaty that we signed. About equity, and we feel it is only fair that the children of Australia—particularly Darwin—enjoying the benefits of a LNG plant in Australia and it’s only fair that its time for Timor-Leste to also enjoy the benefits and business confidence that will come along with the LNG plant in Timor-Leste.

TS: There are some arguments that say that East Timor lacks human resources and has less expertise to work in the LNG Plant and will hire more people from other countries to work in the LNG plant if it come to Timor-Leste. What is your comment please?

AP: That argument we don’t accept at all. Within this argument, though, they appeared to be quite solid. But once we look at it deeply, we can easily dismantle the whole argument. Specifically for Timor-Leste, the position we are in now as a young nation at the stage of its economy, to not to grow but to take off so a LNG plant to Timor-Leste will act as starter motor for the economy in regard of its ten billion dollar investment in Timor-Leste. That will definitely attract a lot of attention and a lot of business confidence. It’s nothing new. It’s a similar affect that’s happening in Darwin at the moment. And that is what we are requesting now. The immediately affect on Timor-Leste, being a country with very high child mortality, I’m sure that with a few years time the jobs will be created immediately in the area of Be Asu, and the child mortality will have an impact as people simply getting to jobs. People are supplying goods to the supply bases it will create spin off but the sort of affects is going down even to the level child mortality, at least in that region of Timor-Leste. Now, for us, it’s about this: it’s about child mortality. If the pipeline is going to Australia they will benefit the children of Australia, a lot of benefit. But I think the children of Darwin have all the right of the Australian have. They have good strong economy and Darwin is a town that Timor-Leste also dreamed one day we could be half of Darwin or even a quarter of Darwin. These are the things that we need to look into the whole formula or we need to into the whole aspect of Sunrise as well. So it is not about making money or not making money. We know that the Timor-Leste option also a money-making machine and there are people who’re prepared to take the risks of an LNG plant to come to Timor-Leste. So we need to sit down and talk this through quite a lot more. But at this stage we don’t think start to talk it yet.

TS: A clause in the agreement states that the company has exclusive rights to decide on the pipeline issues. Don’t you think your government is violating the IUA by interfering in the process?

AP: We need to go back to the whole resource, the whole agreements that are in place. The company itself as we said before that there were previous studies stated that Woodside is not a prudent operator to look at the Timor-Leste options, and if the recent studies continue, the saying more studies to be done here and there. So this means it’s an issue, that if someone has done a bad job, we just can’t go on believing them. You have to make a decision sometime. And we might have to look at other means. Now, the reality of it is that the efforts Timor-Leste has done on the suspicions that the Timor-Leste option was not looked at carefully, has been proven correctly that the Timor-Leste option is much more viable than what we have been lead to believe. This is quite serious. So we just can’t go on like this blindly.

TS: It seems likely that your government has been very suspicious of Woodside then?

AP: No, we like to work together but it’s we better do it properly. Woodside is a strong company. It’s got its own abilities. But as any stakeholders in players of natural resources, we need to look at the bigger picture of how natural resources are to be developed and, to continue to maintain very hard stance, it maybe difficult to go anywhere. And what’s important for Timor-Leste is that Sunrise is not a priority for Timor-Leste itself. It something we can very easily leave on the ground for the next generation. And right now if things don’t progress and move in a fair manner, Timor-Leste will be pressured to take what I call the fourth option, which means to leave it to future generations.

TS: If Woodside agreed on the East Timor option, would you let the production go?

AP: If once we decide that the pipeline comes to Timor-Leste, there is no reason why we should not start looking at detailed studies of Greater Sunrise. It’s a process I think that will take 4 or 5 years, if we decide tomorrow to have gas coming out of Timor-Leste.

TS: Don’t you think Timor-Leste really needs more money from Greater Sunrise at this stage to develop the country?

AP: No….Because Timor-Leste right now has money in the bank. Our ability to spend: we have four, close to five, billion dollars. We have capacity to spend about 400 million. So for the next five years what we have in the bank even we do have a system still high. We do have a system that prevents us to spend but when the situation comes we can work around that. But if we should have Sunrise, yes we can take development a bit further. That’s what I need to emphasise. But what I need to emphasise is that, as a state, that a major paradigm has changed in Timor-Leste from 2 years ago, from the whole history of Timor-Leste: Timor-Leste now has money. So for anyone who has money, it becomes a bit difficult for someone to tell them what to do. That is the situation in Timor-Leste.

TS: Does Timor-Leste know the figures for the pipeline between Timor-Leste and Darwin? As Woodside put it, the Darwin option is very cheap compared to the Timor-Leste’s options.

AP: This one we can argue on that. On the pipeline itself, we need to understand that major component of a pipeline is the price of steel and the machine that lays the barge. The DNV’s studies have looked at the recent price studies and recent technology available for a pipeline, and the figures that are coming out—I will not quote exact figures—but they are showing that the pipeline itself has a very good chance that the Timor-Leste option is much cheaper for the pipeline itself, simply because of one thing: it’s shorter. Now the argument is that you’d require a higher technology, a more expensive technology; that one we can sit down and debate, considering that there are number of pipes around the world now that have been laid at that level. Now in India they have done it with some detailed studies of a pipeline going in 3500 m. So this news is very encouraging for Timor-Leste, that people are looking at much deeper pipes than in Timor-Leste. The geology of is not as unstable as we have been made to believe. So these things need to be confirmed. This things need to be looked at before a decision is made, because a pipeline to Timor-Leste is very important.

TS: What are the kind of figures that Woodside would indicate if the pipeline goes to Darwin?

AP: The Woodside reports indicate the pipeline itself to Darwin would be cheaper – the pipeline itself. But a lot of factors go in to determining the cheapness and a lot of assumptions are going in, so from whichever points of view that you want to look at it, you may be able to regulate the outcome.