Showing posts with label UN Security Council. Show all posts
Showing posts with label UN Security Council. Show all posts

Wednesday, 23 February 2011

UK Statement to the UN Securityt Council on Timor-Leste


Next two years will determine the prospects for a stable & peaceful future for Timor-Leste

New york-22 February 2011

by Philip Parham, Deputy Permanent Representative of the UK Mission to the UN, at the UNSC debate on Timor-Leste

Thank you Madam President,

And many thanks also to Prime Minister Gusmão and to Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Ameerah Haq, for their briefing today, and to all the personnel of UNMIT for their dedication to assisting the people of Timor-Leste.

The next two years will determine the prospects for a stable and peaceful future for Timor-Leste and its people.  The elections in mid 2012 remain the most significant milestone ahead.  As Timor-Leste works towards these elections, we are pleased that the security situation continues calm and that there has been clear and steady improvement since 2006.
The men and women of UNMIT deserve credit for their role in ensuring the stabilisation of Timor-Leste. Their work is now bearing fruit as the Government increasingly assumes responsibility for domestic security.  We are particularly encouraged by the imminent handover of all policing districts to the national police forces – the PNTL – and the fact that this transition is being accomplished without any increase in crime or disorder.  The successful handover to the PNTL marks a step towards the end of the UN’s peacekeeping role. We do not envisage that the Security Council will need to extend UNMIT’s peacekeeping mandate beyond February 2013.

Madam President,

As we prepare for UNMIT’s departure in two years’
time, it is right that UNPOL should begin its drawdown now.  We note the small drawdown of UNPOL personnel recently recommended by the Secretary-General.  We expect to see this rapidly accelerated after the election in 2012.  The drawdown should be regarded as a display of trust in the PNTL’s ability to re-establish itself as the primary provider of security in Timor-Leste.
The Government of Timor-Leste can play an important role by ensuring that its police are sufficiently equipped with important enablers such as generators, communications facilities and office equipment, to allow the PNTL to reach its full potential.

The Government of Timor Leste should also ensure, as some of my colleagues have highlighted, that the integrity of the PNTL is not compromised.  The words of Prime Minister Gusmão this morning on this subject were encouraging.  But we are concerned at the news that 52 serving PNTL officers who face serious criminal charges have been certified. We call on the Government of Timor-Leste to give priority to resolving this unsatisfactory situation. The government should also continue to take a firm stance against impunity, and to bring perpetrators of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide to justice.  Its important that work on legislation providing for follow up to the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation makes real progress, alongside work on reparations for victims of past abuses.

Madam President

It’s imperative that the United Nations now prioritises planning for its post-2012 presence.
UNMIT must plan a coherent, realistic and durable exit strategy, enabling civilian peacebuilding actors to take the lead in helping shape Timor-Leste’s future. We look forward to receiving a detailed update on this planning in the Secretary-General’s report later this year.

At the same time, the wider UN family must work towards addressing the longer-term needs of the country, in close collaboration with the Government of Timor-Leste.  We stress the importance of the High Level Committee on Transition in this regard.

UN involvement in Timor-Leste has the potential to be a beacon of success, modelling how peacekeeping operations can be drawn down as civilian peacebuilders continue their vital work.
The United Kingdom encourages the United Nations to seize this opportunity.

Thank you, Madam President.

 .....

Thursday, 27 January 2011

THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL OPEN DEBATE ON POST-CONFLICT PEACEBUIDING:

ADDRESS BY: VICE-PRIME MINISTER JOSÉ LUÍS GUTERRES
21 January 2011

Thank your Mr. Secretary General for your informative briefing
Mr. President, on behalf of Timor-Leste, thank you for holding this important thematic debate and for your kind invitation to join with you all on this very important occasion. H.E. Minister of Finance, Emilia Pires, Chair of the g7+, could not be with us as she is discussing our State Budget in our Nation’s Parliament.

Focused this year on developing our country’s infrastructure and human capital, the budget process is one key-enabling tool to support our Nation’s state building agenda. It is broadcasted live on television and radio networks for 13 days, to the entire country such is the level of public interest in this process.

Today, the situation in Timor-Leste speaks for itself. Even in the face of the global financial crisis, Timor-Leste in these three years has averaged double-digit economic growth. This places us amongst the ranks of the top ten fastest growing economies in the world. Such growth has seen a 9% decrease in poverty, reversing rising poverty levels which peaked at 50% amidst crisis. This decrease saw some 96,000 people lifted out of extreme poverty. Timor-Leste’s 2010 United Nations Human Development Index has recently recorded an increase in rank of 14 places.

Unemployment has plummeted with 96% of men aged between 30-49 currently employed -with two in five women now working year-round. In 2007, 85% of all Timorese were employed in the agriculture sector, and today this figure stands at 67% of men and 61 percent of women.

Much of this achievement has been underpinned through the strengthening of institutions. From the professionalization of the public service to security sector reform and reforming the Nation’s taxation system. From promoting transparency through the establishment of the Civil Service Commission and Anti-Corruption Commission, to reforming Public Financial Management – institutions have all helped to the sustaining of peace through the better delivery of public services.

Very soon data on Government expenditure will be available in real-time, to the People via an online portal thus ensuring greater transparency and making public spending more efficient.

Timor-Leste's National Priorities Process embodies this national, home-grown strategic response to the challenges of post-conflict statebuilding. The identification of specific National Priorities in a sequenced manner allowed us to identify and then resolve specific issues. From establishing stability to ensuring food security, these issues required immediate, coordinated and strategic solutions while not distracting us from the larger task of reform.

Emerging from crisis in 2006, our immediate challenge was establishing security and stability so that our People could begin to rebuild. At that crucial moment, Timor-Leste was faced with a defining decision; to whose voice, amidst the offers of international support, we look to for direction. At this time I would like to thank the Secretary General and the Security Council for responding to our request for assistance in a timely manner.

In 2006, crisis affected us profoundly. The Secretary General visited Timor-Leste and his visits to the tents around the city. With 150,000 IDPs living in those tents, at the time, it was a problem that could take decades to resolve but in Timor-Leste with the help of the international community and with representatives of those camps, we were able to solve this problem in two years.

At that time we had 36 countries contributing to the UN policing mission, reflecting a range of policing philosophies.


Faced with the daunting task of rebuilding the public’s trust in our defense and security forces, and trust in our institutions in general Timor-Leste took ownership of this process.

With our security sector, institutional divisions that had once existed were slowly being eliminated through professionalization, better oversight and management. Also with improvements to security infrastructure, salaries and reforms to promotions regimes ensuring merit and ability were restored as key criteria for career advancement. These reforms have also helped to secure peace and stability ensuring that the Nation will not have to face another crisis.

A second key social program that has supported stability has been the recognition of our Veterans through the provision of pensions. This years Budget, the Government has allocated 58 million for this purpose. All those that have experienced conflict understand the need to tackle the veterans’ issue.

These pensions formed one part of a wider, integrated social welfare package, which now includes the elderly and female-headed households.

These reforms heralded the beginning of a new compact shared between Citizen and State. These successes allowed us to say goodbye to conflict, welcome development, it is today our nation’s motto.

Mr. President, we find ourselves in a unique position having reflected upon our past successes. We feel we are now better placed to communicate our lessons learned and to call attention to what we see as being ineffective with regards to the way aid is used to support institution building in post-conflict states.

For Timor-Leste, the International Dialogue on Peacebuilding and Statebuilding, of which we are co-Chair along with the UK, is one very important channel, which we use to engage in open and frank exchanges with fellow member states and regions and our development partners.

At the first meeting of the International Dialogue, hosted by Timor-Leste in April 2010, members stated that we could not hear our voices reflected within the vast body of work dedicated to addressing conflict in our countries. We could not see ourselves in the roadmaps, strategies and policy notes offered.

In response, members agreed to convene four Working Groups dedicated to combining the breadth of experience that conflict affected states and international partners had to offer in order to present a credible and legitimate plan of action for the international community to refer to. These Working Groups focus on Capacity Development Co-chaired by DRC and Japan, Aid Instruments Co-chaired by Afghanistan and Sweden, Planning Processes Cochaired by Sierra Leone and UK and Political Dialogue Co-chaired by Liberia and the UN.

Mr. President, over time, a bond was established between those countries with direct experience of conflict. In fact, this shared experience provided the bridge necessary to identify and connect with a diverse range of countries – all united in the search for peace.

And so, with its foundation set in the same, basic human challenges faced by us all, spanning a diversity of cultures, histories and languages, a forum of post-conflict affected countries was built. This forum is known as the g7+ -a new, independent forum of post-conflict affected countries and regions that have united to form one collective voice to present to the international community.

At the forum’s inaugural meeting in Díli 2010, 13 countries and regions came together recognizing the strong spirit of solidarity between our countries and regions and a strong desire to work together in the g7+ group to share experiences, challenges, failures and successes, to make a rapid transition to sustainable peace and development. Timor-Leste’s Minister of Finance, H.E. Emilia Pires is honored to have been nominated as Chair.

The g7+ now accounts for almost 350 million people. It is the intention of this group to own our nation building agendas, drawing upon the combined wisdom of these 350 million people to provide the international community with the tools necessary to bring about real change.

Mr. President, reflecting on the experiences of Timor-Leste, and considering the experiences our fellow states have expressed to us, it is clear that institutions play a critical role in sustaining the shift away from conflict towards the building of more stable, responsive and accountable States. So we are concerned when we hear repeatedly of situations where the actions of the international community, in this regard, fall short of their promise.

As we said at the MDG summit last year, aid delivery and programs supported by international actors are often inapplicable, unsuitable and incompatible with our agendas and priorities, including for institution building. On that same occasion, the g7+ challenged the global community to commit to a new paradigm of international engagement in conflict affected countries and regions.

Other friends tell us of delays in the setting up of trust funds that are not delivering rapidly and flexibly and thus causing disruptions to aid flows, which then impact negatively upon the abilities of emerging institutions to deliver visible results to the People.

In my country as well as in other countries, the responsibility for coordinating our development partners’ various conflicting policies and practices provides an additional responsibility to our institutions.

To ensure that we can truly rely on our partners, we feel urgent reform and support must be directed towards at least four key areas:

First, international partners must help us build our institutions by working with them – this includes a complete review of the way technical assistance is provided to our countries. This is critical if we seek to strengthen State legitimacy and to build people’s trust in emerging institutions, particularly during delicate transitions.

Second, you can not build a nation upon the principles of another. There is no overarching model that can be applied to solve the unique challenges that face our nations. International actors must appreciate the importance of historical context, culture, regional diversities, linguistic complexities, social differences, ongoing political dissonance and the national mentality; all crucial elements in statebuilding in post-conflict nations.

Third, we must be absolutely clear as to the purpose these institutions are intended to serve and then be relentless in this pursuit. Function over form must take priority. It is only when the tangible benefits of these institutions can be seen and felt that citizens’ confidence, trust and engagement with State institutions will emerge.

Fourth, sustained political dialogue within States, between the men and women that make up our communities and Government, is crucial in order to strengthen democracy and encourage buy-in, turning statebuilding into a nationwide endeavor involving all peoples.

In this regard, and taking advantage of the timely opportunity of this debate, I would like to suggest, on behalf of the g7+, the idea of a dedicated report by the UN Secretary General on the topic of Institution Building in Conflict Affected States.

Mr. President, in closing, all that we seek to achieve is difficult and requires time, however what the g7+ has prioritized and what I have presented to you today are specific, but most importantly, actionable reforms to which the international community must now commit to if our will is genuine. We will work with our development partners through the International Dialogue to elaborate concrete actions that can improve international engagement in conflict-affected states. An action plan will be ready by the end of the year, and we would be happy to share the results.

As member states made clear in the g7+ Statement, our citizens above all states, understand the meaning of urgent action with international partnerships being critical at these times. As Prime Minister Gusmão recently said “This is not the time to be pessimistic. This is the time for hope and change.” It is my sincere hope that the international community takes this message and works with us to ensure that our states are also able to make that smooth transition toward peace and stability.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Thursday, 16 December 2010

Crisis Group Highly Critic UNMIT

Crisis Group Web
The International Crisis Group has yesterday release a report on the UN in Timor-Leste, and plan for it future.  The report is highly critical of both the UNMIT and the Timorese Government, but states that among other things the international community needs to reduce UNMIT Police alot, and close down its security sector reforms.  This is because these have either not provided anything useful or are not desired by the Government of Timor-Leste.

The report states that: 

"The policing contingent of the UN Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT) should be sharply reduced in size to reflect improvements in security since the 2006 crisis and to support future stability. Since 2008 the Timorese have shown themselves determined to handle internal threats without the support of the UN’s third-largest policing mission. The local force has answered to its own command rather than UN police. The government has for years ignored UN advice on undertaking difficult reforms in the security sector or pursuing formal justice for crimes committed. A mostly stable coalition government elected in 2007 seems to be able to survive its own weaknesses. Real risks to the country’s stability do remain – many the result of the government’s failure to tackle impunity for the events of 2006. These will be best addressed by the country’s political leaders rather than a continued international police presence. When UNMIT’s mandate is renewed in February 2011, the UN should acknowledge the futility of its security sector reform efforts in the face of government disinterest.
While they made an important contribution to the immediate post-crisis stabilisation, UN police were never equipped to conduct the highly political task of police reform. More than four years into the mission, there is still no agreed plan for how to support reform of Timor-Leste’s police. The government has embarked on its own efforts with limited capacity. A comprehensive overhaul of the rank structure undertaken in 2010 was a real step towards the professionalisation and independence of the police. The government has shown little interest in UN recommendations to punish police linked to turmoil in 2006 and has taken over a joint vetting process that will likely end with very limited results. More recent disciplinary cases have reinforced the image of a force unwilling or unable to punish wrongdoing from within its own ranks. The district-by-district process of handing back responsibility from the UN to the Timorese police has nevertheless progressed steadily, with some pressure for a full handover by March 2011.
Key recommendations on justice and security sector reforms made by international bodies after the crisis have been systematically ignored. The work of the UN Independent Commission of Inquiry has been undermined as the most prominent prosecutions it proposed have been shelved; others have either been thrown out for lack of evidence, have ended in presidential pardons or are still under investigation four years later. The effect has been to deny justice and corrode the rule of law, leaving the country without a strong disincentive for political violence. This is dangerous, but more international police will not solve it.
The UN mission has poorly handled its mandate to assist in broader security sector reform and its efforts have been consistently rebuffed by the government. The review of the security sector intended to guide policy development remains unpublished four years later and at this stage its release would be irrelevant. The UN’s stated goal of delineating the roles of the police and the army has been rejected by Timorese leaders in favour of bringing the two forces closer together to avoid rivalry. The security sector support unit of the mission should be closed.
As talk of “right-sizing” the peacekeeping mission begins with an eye towards its withdrawal by December 2012, it is clear that such a large mission is currently not tailored to the country’s needs. As its executive policing role looks likely to end in early 2011 with the completion of the handover, the police contingent should be reduced by at least half. Current plans for only a limited reduction will leave an oversized police contingent that will mask the continued operational and logistical deficiencies in Timor-Leste’s police. The government and the Timorese police command should engage those UN police who do remain on how best to address these deficiencies between now and the mission’s full withdrawal.
In addition, immediate priorities for discussions underway between the government and the UN mission on the future of UNMIT should include:
  • A binding agreement with the government on a limited set of priorities for training and support to core functions of the Timorese police by those UN police that remain, including investigations and disciplinary mechanisms.
  • Clarification of the likely terms of any handover of assets of the UN mission.
  • Support for an independent assessment of the needs and capacity of Timor-Leste’s police, as requested by the government, which could serve as a tool for planning future domestic and bilateral training.
  • Discussion with the Australia/New Zealand International Stability Force regarding the timing of the departure of the international security presence in Timor-Leste (ISF and UNPOL).
  • Discussion of an ongoing political role for the UN in supporting the 2012 elections as well as in political and human rights monitoring after the full withdrawal of UNMIT.
The UN will leave behind much unfinished work in building the capacity of Timor-Leste’s police, but the violence of 2006 was caused more by a failure to address political issues than it was by technical weakness in the country’s security services. The best way to maintain stability through the 2012 elections would be a strong commitment to peaceful political competition by Timor-Leste’s leaders."

Tuesday, 23 November 2010

UN Security Council Delegation Cancels Trip to Timor-Leste

A delegation from the UN Security Council was schedule to visit Timor-Leste in a few days.  However, Tempo Semanal sources have revealed that the delegation has cancelled its intentions.

Some days ago the NYC based "Security Council Report" issued a statement saying that:


"The Council is considering a visit to Timor-Leste at the end of November. Japan, as the lead country on Timor-Leste, has pushed for this visit. The number of Council members going on the mission was uncertain at press time. While no members have objected to the visit, it appears that a number of countries will not be represented at ambassador level and some members may decide not to participate at all. A decision also had not been made on whether the Council delegation should confine the visit to Dili or consider a field trip outside the capital. The last Council visit to Timor-Leste was in November 2007. Japan will lead the mission. It has argued that it is time to review the UN Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT) prior to mandate renewal on 26 February 2011. Japan appears keen to have the visit take place before it leaves the Council at the end of 2010. It may also want to discuss the format of the UN presence post-UNMIT, but others feel that this would be premature.

Based on the views expressed in the 19 October debate other Council members are likely to be interested in exchanging views with the Timorese authorites on the security situation, the resumption of Timorese responsibility in the final three districts and justice and accountability issues. A number of members, including the US, the UK and Austria, seem to be looking forward to an exchange on justice and impunity."

Based on Tempo Semanal sources trip has been cancelled due to the fact that Timor-Leste is no longer a priority issue for the Security Council and that its time is being allocated to other more pressing matters.