Razaun atu Kontra Tama ASEAN: Perspetiva Polítika Ekonómia Ida

by Guteriano Neves

Introdusaun

Guteriano Neves,
foin graduado ninia estudu iha USA

Sai membru Asosiasaun Nasaun Sudeste Aziátiku ka Association of Southeast Asian Nation – ASEAN –hanesan objektivu boot ida hosi polítika externa Timór-Leste nian, dézde Timór-Leste restaura ninia independensia. Hanesan ukun na’in sira Timór nian  deklara bebeik, sai membru asosiasaun ne’e sei lori benefisiu barak ba Timór-Leste iha aspektu polítika, ekonomia, no seguransa. Hanesan retorika polítika, kestaun ne’e maski mosu kleur ona, maibé foin fulan hirak liu ba mak Timór-Leste offisialmente aplika atu sai membru ASEAN. Maski durante ne’e, opiniaun ne’ebé mosu entre parte hotu prefere liu atu suporta pozisaun instituisaun estadu nian – governu, prezidente, no parlementu – to’o agora, governu rasik seidauk iha estudu ka análize kle’an ruma kona-ba vantajem no dezvantajem saida mak Timór-Leste sei hetan wainhira sai membru ASEAN. Iha parte seluk, ema barak, inklui sosiedade sivíl – média, ONG, no akadémiku-sira – iha tendensia atu tuir liña argumentu governu nian. Ho ida-ne’e, la iha narativa ruma ne’ebé koko atu haree hosi aspektu negativu ka ameasa saida mak Timór-Leste sei hetan, se karik Timór-Leste sai membru ASEAN ho kondisaun ekonomia rai laran Timór-Lesta nian agora. Artigu ida-ne’e oferese kontradisaun ida ba governu nia pozisaun, lori foka liu ba dezvantajem saida mak Timór-Leste sei hasoru wainhira sai membru ASEAN. Parte ne’ebé hakerek-na’in hakarak foka mak aspektu ekonomia, haree liu ba ASEAN hanesan bloku merkadu livre ida. Hakerek-na’in argumenta katak, “sai membru ASEAN sai hanesan ameasa boot ida ba autor ekonomia rai laran, tanba sei oho autór ekonomia rai laran, liu-liu argikultór-sira, no haforsa dependensia ba sasán importasaun. Argumentu ida ne’e baseia ba realidade rai ekonomia iha rai laran, ne’ebé agrikultor lokal sai marjinalizadu ba bebebik durante ne’e.

ASEAN nu’udar Bloku Rejionál

ASEAN, nudar bloku rejionál, ofisialmente estabelese iha loron 8 Agustu 1967. Nasaun fundadór mak Indonézia, Malázia, Filipina, Singapura, no Tailándia. Hanesan hateten iha ninia konstituisaun (Charter), objektivu prinsipál organizasaun ne’e nian mak atu aselera kresimentu ekonomia, promove dame iha rejiaun; no promove kolaborasaun entre nasaun-sira iha rejiaun ne’e. Maski nune’e, haree hosi kontestu iha ne’ebé ASEAN harii, iha tempu ne’ebé Guerra Fria manas hela, ASEAN mosu hanesan esforsu ida ne’ebé impoen hosi Estadus Unidus atu hapara expansaun komunista. Bazeia ba razaun ida-ne’e, peritus balu argumenta katak iha parte ida, ASEAN hanesan implementasaun hosi polítika Containment EUA nian iha rejiaún ne’e. Iha parte seluk, matenek nain balu mós refere ASEAN hanesan asosiasaun líder autoritariu sira hanesan Soeharto iha Indonézia, Ferdinand Marcos iha Filipina, no Lee Kuan Yew iha Singapura. Líder-sira ne’e, durante Guerra Fria foti polítika esterna ne’ebé orienta ba nasaun kapitalista sira iha Osidentál, no hetan lejitimidade atu ukun hosi nasaun sira ne’e, no la’ós hosi eleisaun ne’ebé demokratiku.

Hanesan organizasaun rejionál sira seluk, ASEAN nia membru mak estadu-sira. Ho karakterístiku ida-ne’e, estabelesimentu ASEAN nian bazeia ba asumsaun ida katak wainhira instituisaun rejionál ida eziste iha rejiaun ne’e, instituisaun ne’e bele sai hanesan fatin atu rezolve konflitu entre membru-sira liu-hosi dialogu, no alevia konfrontasaun direitamente hanesan funu. Maski matenek na’in barak mak argumenta katak iha pontu ida-ne’e ASEAN susesu, iha parte seluk, iha mós kritika ba inkapasidade ASEAN nian atu rezolve konflitu interna no problema direitus umanus no demokrasia iha nasaun membru ASEAN nian. Ezemplu mak kazu Timór-Leste iha 1999, Aceh no Papua iha Indonézia, Moro iha Filipina, no kazu demokrasia iha Birmania. Prinsipiu Non-interference iha ASEAN laran rasik limita ka depriva organizasaun ne’e atu foti medidas wainhira koko sai ativu atu rezolve aproblema-sira ne’e.

Tanba hosi nia orijen kedas asosiasaun ne’e orienta liu ba asuntu seguransa durante Guerra Fria, aspektu ekonomia ladún hetan atensaun wainhira Guerra Fria sei manas. Maski nune’e, durante 1970s mai to’o 1980, iha ona inisiativu balu atu haluan kooperasaun ekonomia rejionál liu hosi lansamentu ASEAN Industrial Projects (AIP) iha 1976; ASEAN Preferential Trading Agreement1 (APTA) iha 1977; ASEAN Industrial Joint Ventures (AIJV) iha 1983 no Industrial Complementation Scheme (AIC) iha 1988. Hanesan bloku ekonomia rejionál, ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) evolve liu hosi faze balu. Ofisialmente AFTA hahú ho lansamentu Common Effective Preferential Tariff (CEPT) iha 28 Janeiru 1992. Objektivu hosi CEPT mak atu elimina bareira-sira ba komersiu entre nasaun-sira iha AEAN, hanesan taxa no regulamentu ba sasán importasaun ne’ebé ninia orijen mai hosi nasaun membru ASEAN sira. 

Relasiona ho investimentu, iha mós akordu ho naran Framework Agreement on the ASEAN Investment Area (AIA), asina iha loron 7 Outubru 1998 iha Manila. AIA enkoraja movimentu investimentu iha rejiaun ida-ne’e ho livre bazeia ba prinsipiu-sira hanesan loke industria tomak ba investimentu, fo preferensia ba investimentu hosi investor-sira hosi ASEAN laran, elimina bareira-sira ne’ebé impede movimentu investimentu, no foti dalan hotu atu fasilita investimentu ne’ebé hala’o hosi investor-sira hosi ASEAN laran. Kona-ba services ka pelayanan, ASEAN mós iha ASEAN Framework Agreement on Services (AFAS) iha 1995, ne’ebé adopta iha Simeira Bangkok iha Dezembro 1995. Iha simeira ne’e membru-sira konkorda atu liberaliza seitor-sira hanesan transportasaun, konstrusaun, finansiamentu, transporte tasi nian, telekomunikasaun no mós tourizmu. AFAS nia objektivu mak atu halakon bariera hotu ba komersiu iha seitor pelayanan no haforsa kooperasaun iha ASEAN nia laran.

Hanesan bloku ekonomia, ASEAN mós sai hanesan merkadu boot ba nasaun boot sira seluk hanesan India, Xina, EUA, Europeia, no mós Japaun. Haree ba ninia populasaun ne’ebé barak, hosi perspetiva nasaun-sira iha leten, ASEAN bele fornese merkadu ba sira nia produsaun indústria sira. Iha parte seluk, ho rekursus naturais ne’ebé barak, ASEAN mós sai hanesan fatin investimentu ba kompania boot sira hosi nasaun industrializadu sira hanesan EUA, país Europeia sira, no mós Japaun. Tanba ne’e mak agora dadaun, maski iha akordu komersiu entre nia membru-sira, ASEAN mós iha akordu ho nasaun boot sira seluk hanesan ho Xina, EUA, Japaun, Koreia, no iha mós negosiasaun ho India. ASEAN iha akordu ho Australia no Nova Zelandia ho naran AANZFTA ne’ebé asina iha 27 Fevereiru 2009. ASEAN ho Xina iha akordo merkadu livre liu hosi ACFTA ne’ebé komesa aplika hosi loron 1 Janeiru 2010. ASEAN mós iha akordu hanesan ho India, ho Korea, no iha perseiru ekonomia ho Japaun no mós Ázia Leste. En-jerál, hanesan bloku ekonomia, ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) sai hanesan bloku merkadu importante ida iha rejiaun Aziátiku no mós iha mundu tomak.

Timór-Leste Tama ASEAN: Hare hosi Polítika Ekonomia Internasionál

Aspektu importante ida atu komprende ASEAN hanesan bloku ekonomia ida mak liu hosi kontextu polítika ekonomia internasionál. Istórikamente, relasaun komersiu entre sosiedade la’ós buat foun ida, katak ninia idade hanesan mós ho idade sivilizasaun ema nian. Katak dézde bei-ala sira nia tempu, ema halo ona transaksaun. Buat ne’ebé muda mak meius-de transaksaun. Mudansa-sira ne’ebé akontese durante tinan 40 ikus ne’e nia laran mak meios de transaksaun no expansaun komersiu entre nasaun sira iha mundu tomak. Durante periodu ida-ne’e, ho dominasaun ideia-sira neo-liberalizmu nian, nasaun barak iha mundu hatún taxa no halakon tiha bareira hotu ne’ebé tuir nasaun boot sira, satan netik aktividade merkadu nian. Hanesan implementasaun, rejiaun barak iha mundu forma bloku ekonomia rejionál nian atu fasilita movimentu sasán, kapitál, no ema iha rejiaun laran. Fenómena ida-ne’e ita bele hare dézde tinan 1970 la’o to’o mai ohin loron. Nudar ezemplu, iha Europa iha Komunidade Ekonomia Europeia, iha Norte Amerika iha Area Merkadu Livre de Norte Amerika, Amerika do Sul iha Mercusor, no mós Sudeste Asia iha AFTA.

Hanesan bloku ekonomia seluk, AFTA hakarak fasilita movimentu sasán, kapitál no ema iha rejiaun laran liu-hosi eliminasaun taxa no regulamentu sira ne’ebé difikulta movimentu sasán, kapitál no ema. Haree hosi perspetiva polítika ekonomia internasionál, mósu bloku ekonomia rejionál no akordu ba komersiu livre sira ne’e hanesan implementasaun hosi ideia merkadu livre. Proponente hosi ideia ida-ne’e fiar katak merkadu livre mak bele lori prosperiodade ba nasaun sira iha mundu. Teorítikamente, ideia ida ne’e bazeia ba hanoin Filózofu famozu, Adam Smith, ne’ebé fiar ba merkadu livre hanesan dalan atu atinzi kresimentu ekonomia. Involvimentu Governu ka estadu nian atu regula ema nia nesesidade ekonomia sei halakon ema nia liberdade no ne’e sai obstákulu ba atividade merkadoria. Autór seluk hanesan Thomas Friedman argumenta katak ho merkadu livre deit mak bele hamosu kresimentu ekonomia iha tempu ida agora ne’e. Rejionalízmu liu-hosi merkadu livre hanesan mós dalan ida atu haforsa sistema kapitalízmu globál bazeia ba divizaun-de-traballu – labor division – iha rejiaun laran no mós iha mundu tomak.   Ho ideia ida-ne’e, se ita foti ideia-sira hosi David Riracrdo hodi aplika ba kontextu komersiu entre nasaun-sira, implika katak katak nasaun ida tenki iha espesialidade atu prodús sasan ruma ne’ebé ema ka nasaun seluk laiha no ne’e sai hanesan comparative advantage kada nasaun ida nian iha komersiu internasionál. Ho ida ne’e, tama iha bloku ekonomia hanesan AFTA bele fasilita Timór-Leste la’ós de’it atu konsume, maibé mós atu prodús no buka merkadu ba sasan ne’ebé Timór-Leste prodús iha rai laran.

Iha kontextu ida-ne’e, pergunta ne’ebé Timor-oan sira presiza husu ba aan mak ne’e: Benefisiu ekonómiku saida mak ita sei hetan wainhira sai membru  ASEAN? Hodi sai parte hosi AFTA, saida mak ita sei hetan? Pergunta praktiku liu mak “ita sei fa’an saida ba membru ASEAN sira seluk?” Bele ka lae ita kompete ho nasaun sira seluk hanesan Indonézia, Tailándia, Singapura, Vietnam no Malázia? Ho ida ne’e, hau sente katak ita ánsi liu atu tama ba ASEAN. Hau nia pozisaun bazeia ba razaun hirak tuir mai ne’e.

Primeiru, kondisaun ekonomia rai laran. Tuir proponente merkadu livre sira, atu atinji kresimentu ekonomia, governu presiza loke merkadu ba sasán no investimentu hosi rai li’ur, no mós tenki prodús sasán ka servisus (pelayanan) atu fa’an ba merkadu internasionál. Ideia ida-ne’e dala barak mós ema bolu ­Polítika Ekonómika ne’ebé Orienta ba Exportasaun (Export-Oriented Eonomic Policy) ne’ebe sai popular komesa hosi 1970 e tál mai leten. Ideia ida ne’e advoka maka’as hosi organizasaun sira hanesan Banku Mundial, Fundu Monetario Internasionál, no nasaun riku sira. Maski ideia ida-ne’e, ita rona furak, maibé iha frakeza sistemátiku ida. Ideia ida-ne’e bazeia ba asumsaun katak Timór-Leste rasik prodús ona buat ruma, maibé laiha merkadu ba produsaun ne’e. Tamba ne’e, Timór-Leste presiza merkadu iha rai li’ur atu fa’an nia sasán sira tanba merkadu rai laran la sufisiente. Maibé ida ne’e la’ós realidade ne’ebé ita enfrenta agora. Buat ne’ebé ita haree katak Timór-Leste nia produsaun rai laran laiha, no ita importa sasán hotu. To’o agora, ita nia exportasaun mak to’o de’it 12 milloens dollar Amerikanu. Ida ne’e de’it hamosu pergunta boot ba ita; se ita tama ASEAN, ita atu fa’an saida ba membru ASEAN sira seluk?

Segundu, kestaun papél Governu nian iha dezenvolvimentu ekonomia rai laran. Istorikamente, iha nasaun sira hotu ne’ebé foin hetan independensia, estadu ka governu mak kaer papél importante atu dezenvolve ekonomia rai laran. Papel estadu nian bazeia ba realidade katak seitor privadu iha rai laran la iha rekursus finanseirus no tekniku. Fenomena  ne’e domina ekonomia internasionál to’o fin de 70-e tál. No iha kontextu atual Timór-Leste nian, papél estadu sai importante, la’ós atu regula de’it, maibé mós atu investe iha seitor importate sira.

Maibé saida mak ita haree iha Akordu sira hanesan APTA, AIA no AFAS mak redusaun ka minimalizasaun papel Governu nian iha dezenvolvimemtu ekonomia rai laran. Membru hotu ne’ebe sai parte iha akordu sira ne’e, en-jerál tenki redús taxa importasaun tún to’o 0-5 porsentu. Ideia ne’ebé sai baze ba stratejia ida ne’e katak governu nia intervensaun iha ekonomia sei halo distorsaun be fungsaun merkadu no halo atividade merkadoria la efikás. Baseia ba argumentu ida ne’e, governu tenki hasai ka redús tiha taxa importasaun sira, no hasai regulamentu sira ne’ebé proteje ambiente, direitu komunidade, no traballadór-sira iha rai laran, tanba hirak ne’e ne’e halo distorsaun ba merkadu. Kazu ne’ebé sempre aprezenta atu lori suporta klaim ida ne’e mak susesu iha nasaun sira hanesan Korea do Súl, Singapura, no Taiwan durante tinan 1970 e tál to’o 1990 e tál. Maski kazu sira ne’e dala barak aprezenta nudar ezemplu hosi merkadu livre ne’ebé susesu, estudu-sira ikus mai ne’ebé hala’o hosi ekonomista sira hanesan Ha-Joon Chang, hatudu katak ida ne’e hanesan reprezentasaun falsu boot ida ba suksesu nasaun sira ne’e nian. Tuir nia, susesu iha nasaun sira ne’e la’ós tanba merkadu livre, maibé tanba intervensaun maka’as hosi estadu iha dezenvolvimentu ekonomia hodi proteze industria rai laran.

Iha Timór-Leste nia kontextu, kestaun sai komplexu liu tan. Timór-Leste oras ne’e presiza investimentu publiku iha seitór importante hanesan agrikultura, edukasaun, saúde, no infrastrutura. Governu mós presiza fó insentivu ba seitór privadu rai laran, no mós kooperativa sira iha rai laran atu bele prodús sasán ne’ebé ita presiza ba konsumu iha rai laran. Atu hala’o buat hirak ne’e, la’ós liu-hosi fahe kontratu ba projetu ho kualidade laiha hanesan agora dadaun ne’e. Maibé importante liu mak investimentu iha seitór stratejiku sira, atu minimiza ita-nia dependensia ba sasán importasaun nian. Governu Timór-Leste mós presiza fó motivasaun ba Timór oan sira atu hari kooperativa hodi bele prodús rasik sasán ne’ebé presiza iha merkadu lokal. Governu presiza proteje no fó insentivu liu-hosi fornesimentu subsidiu ba inisiativa produsaun iha rai laran. Taxa ba sasán importasaun hanesan stratejia ida ne’ebe nasaun barak uza atu lori proteje ekonomia rai laran. Maibé, se Timor-Leste sai parte hosi AFTA, nia konsekuensia mak Timor-Leste tenki hatún hotu taxa importasaun ba sasán hosi membru ASEAN seluk no ne’e sai dezastre ba industria produsaun iha rai laran.

Wainhira Timór-Leste tama ASEAN, ekonomia produsaun rai laran sei hetan susar, tanba akordu sira iha leten ne’e obriga Governu atu hasaitiha  taxa ne’ebé uza atu lori proteze autor ekonomia rai laran. Iha kontextu ida-ne’e, hau konsidera katak tama ASEAN no sai membru hosi AFTA hanesan aktu suicide (oho-an). Agora ne’e de’it, Timór oan sira sai marjinalizadu tiha ona.  Agrikultór barak mak oras ne’e labele kompete sira nia produsaun ho sasan importasaun sira. Irigasaun ne’ebé menus no kiak iha kualidade, dalan ne’ebé aat, kondisaun merkadu ne’ebé la saudavel, halo ita nia agrikultór no autor ekonomia rai laran marjinaliza aat liu tan. Iha parte seluk, sasán ne’ebé importa hosi Indonézia, Austrália, Singapura, no mézmu hosi Brazil, halo ita nia produsaun lokál la hetan fatin atu kompete. Se Timór-Leste tama tan ASEAN, ne’e signifika katak ita tenki loke merkadu halo luan liu tan ba sasan importasaun sira hosi Indonézia, Filipina, Tailándia, no rai sira seluk. Agora, pergunta boot mak ita atu fa’an saida ba nasaun sira ne’e?!

Terseiru, kona ba investimentu. Razaun ida ne’ebé proponente merkadu livre sira fiar, katak atu hetan kresimentu ekonomia, presiza loke merkadu ba investimentu rai li’ur. No hau bele nota katak ida ne’e mak esperansa ida hosi ita nia ulun na’in sira. Ita nia Primeiru Ministru, fiar katak investimentu rai li’ur bele sai hanesan mesias atu resolve problema sira hanesan dezempregu. Ida ne’e hanesan fiar ne’ebé Governu agora iha. Tanba ida ne’e, hau nota katak mehi ida ne’ebé parte Timór iha, hosi perspetiva ekonomia mak tama ASEAN sei fasilita dada investór rai li’ur mai Timór-Leste. 

Maski iha esperansa maka’as, iha kontextu Timór-Leste, investimentu rai li’ur mós bele sai hanesan boomerang ida. Wainhira nasaun ida loke ba investimentu rai li’ur, asumsaun ne’ebé iha katak autór ekonomia rai laran iha ona kapasidade atu kompete ho investor-sira hosi rai li’ur. No kompetisaun ida-ne’e sei ajuda atu halo efektivu liu tan autór ekonomia rai laran. Tanba ne’e mak wainhira loke merkadu, iha esperansa katak investór rai liur sei serbisu hamutuk ho investor lokál atu dezenvolve seitór ne’ebé sira haree hanesan iha potensia ba merkadu internasionál. Tuir fali mai, investimentu hosi rai li’ur ne’ebé boot mós la garantia katak sei estimula dezenvolvimentu ekonomia iha rai laran. Presiza mós fator seluk, hanesan kapasidade ekonomia rai laran atu absorve investimentu sira ne’e, se lae, investimentu rai li’ur dala barak somente atu esploita de’it rekursu naturais iha rai laran ho traballadór ne’ebé barratu, no sei la afeta ba hadi’a ekonomia rai laran. Iha AFTA rasik, iha prinsipiu ida naran  “national treatment.” Prinsipiu ida-ne’e limita Governu atu uza poder lori kontrola kompania-sira ne’ebe investe iha rai laran atu husu kompania-sira atu fahe sira-nia koñesimentu no matenek ba Timor-oan sira.

Se ita haree kondisaun reál ne’ebé Timór-Leste oras ne’e iha, hau rasik dúvida boot se Timór-Leste bele ka lae atu kompete ho investór hosi rai li’ur.  Agora dadaun, maioria hosi seitor privadu rai laran, sei depende ba projetu-sira Governu nian. Tanba ida-ne’e, seitor privadu iha Timór, la’ós seitor privadu ida ne’ebé prodús riku soin foun ka kria kampu-de-traballu foun, maibé seitor privadu ida ne’ebé sei depende liu ba projetu sira husi governu. Governu nia planu atu kapasita seitor privadu lokal liu hosi projetu Pakote Refrendum mós hanesan dezastre boot ida, tanba nia impaktu ita la haree hetan. Agora, ho kondisaun ida-ne’e, susar atu espera katak investimentu rai li’ur sei lori dezenvolvimentu ba Timór oan. Buat ne’ebé bele akontese mak investimentu rai li’ur bele aumenta tan Timór-oan nia sofrimentu, wainhira Governu rasik la halo intervensaun liu hosi regulamentu ruma ne’ebe fo preferensia ba Timor-oan. Tanba ne’e, hau haree katak importante ba Timór-Leste atu kapasita Timór-oan sira didi’ak molok loke merkadu ba investimentu hosi rai li’ur. Minimu liu, tenki fó preferensia ba Timór-oan sira atu prodús sasan ne’ebé Timór-oan sira rasik bele prodús, no ida-ne’e tenki sai hanesan polítika ekonomia Timór nian. Maibé, se Timór-Leste sai membru ASEAN, sei susar atu hala’o polítika ida ne’e tanba regulamentu investimentu nian reziji nasaun membru hotu atu trata investór hosi nasaun ASEAN seluk hanesan, no laiha preferensia.

Ikus liu, stratejía no preparasaun ne’ebé Governu halo durante ne’e. Maski ideia-sira atu sai membru ASEAN mosu kleur ona, maibe laiha preparasaun reál ne’ebé Governu halo. Buat ne’ebé hau nota katak esforsu barak liu halo iha nivel diplomasia, oinsa atu konvense membru ASEAN sira seluk atu simu ita nia aplikasaun. Iha parte seluk, preparasaun iha nivel ekonomia hanesan kapasitasaun agrikultór lokal, kompania lokál, no kooperativa, laiha liu. Iha kontextu hanesan ne’e, imposivel atu espera katak Timór-oan bele kompete iha merkadu ASEAN ne’ebé integradu.

Sei relata ho ne’e, ita mós bele nota katak sai membru ASEAN sai tiha hanesan projetu exkluzivu hosi Ministeriu Negósiu Estranjeiru (MNE). Tanba preparasaun ne’ebé Timór-Leste hala’o barak liu iha nivel diplomasia, entaun, MNE mak domina tiha asuntu ne’e. Ida ne’e hanesan perigu boot ida, tanba sai membru ASEAN la’os de’it kona ba diplomasia, maibe iha aspektu barak ne’ebé involve, ida mak ekonomia. Tanba ne’e mak preparasaun ne’ebé Ministeriu sira seluk hanesan Turízmu, Ekonomia, Agrikultura, Kultura, nst. sira nia involvimentu iha prosesu ne’e mós importante atu haree dinamika no tratadu sira ne’ebe regula kona ba seitor sira ne’e.

 Nota Ikus

Hanesan Timór-oan, hau la haree hetan benefisiu ekonomia saida mak Timór-Leste sei hetan hodi sai ASEAN. Hau observa katak esperansa boot sira ne’ebé Governu iha, bazeia ba preskprisaun merkadu livre nian. Ida ne’e tuir hau nia haree, la’os hanesan oportunidade, maibé hanesan ameasa boot ida ba autor ekonomia lokál, liliu agrikultor-sira. Nune’e mós, perparasaun ba Timór-oan sira-atu bele kompete iha merkadu ne’ebé integradu laiha liu. Ho ida ne’e, ba hau, sai membru ASEAN no AFTA, ho kondisaun real Timór-Leste nian agora, hanesan oho-an. Di’ak liu ba Timór-Leste atu prepara-an uluk lai, no dezenvolve seitor produtivu sira bazeia ba nesesidade merkadu rai laran, duké hanoin atu kompete iha merkadu rejionál ho kondisaun ida agora ne’e. 

President’s Office outraged at UNMIT

Tempo Semanal-Dili,19.05.2011

This afternoon President Ramos Horta issued a press released in regard to recent allegation by internal UN report that Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao is an obstacle to constitutional Democrasy in Timor Leste. The Press Released title "President’s Office is outraged at the unacceptable pseudo-analysis concocted by a UNMIT beaurocrat in referring to Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão leadership."

On tuesday in Dili,  president Horta angrily said UN analysts is stupid. The United Nations in Timor Leste is led by the special Representative of the Secretary general Ms. Ameerah Haq. Tempo semanal Source say that Ms. Haq has been unable to meet with the Prime Minister on the regular basis for some times. This is unlike previous experience when the head of the UN in Timor Leste had good relations with the government of Timor Leste.

"No one in this country, or in the region, is more committed than Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão to democracy, rule of law and peace," Said horta in the press released.

"For as long as 40 years, Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão devoted himself to the ideals of freedom, human dignity and democracy," stated Horta in the Press Release.

Horta as a veteran Diplomat of the country continued said,"We know the UN family in Timor-Leste compromises individuals of many different nationalities, with diverse academic and professional qualifications, and a vast majority of them do not speak the local language and hardly ever mingle with East-Timorese."

"So after years of serving here, they still know very little about this country. Therefore, it’s forgivable some of the pseudo-analysis they make about Timor-Leste."

Tempo Semanal sources in the Government of the Democratic Republic of Timor Leste say that the presidency, the president of the national parliament, the council of ministers and all governing coalition political parties say and fell that this internal document is personal attack on not only Prime Minister of Timor Leste but also the leader of the resistance to the Indonesian occupation of East Timor .

The United Nations and the Government of Timor Leste have been for the last six months ingaged in an argument over the content of the UN human development report. The Human development report was released by the United Nations in ten days ago but due to the content of the report the government banned all members of the government to attend the launched of the report. 

MEMAKNAI HARI KEMERDEKAAN

Opinian husi:

Gaspar Viegas 

Estudante UNIKOM, 

Bandung Teknik Informatika

Sembilan tahun yang lalu tepatnya Tanggal 20 Mei 2002 Timor Leste Resmi menjadi negara yang Berdaulat dan setiap tanggal 20 bulan Mei kita memperingati hari kemerdekaan negeri kita, ada  Pertanyaan klasik tapi selalu relevan untuk dipertanyakan:Apakah kita sudah benar-benar merdeka?

Menurut Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia, MERDEKA artinya bebas dari penghambaan, penjajahan, dll; berdiri sendiri; tidak terkena atau lepas dari tuntutan; tidak terikat, tidak bergantung kepada orang atau pihak tertentu; atau leluasa. Dari definisi ini, mari kita bertanya kembali: apakah kita sudah benar-benar merdeka?

 Kita memang sudah merdeka dari penjajahan secara fisik. Namun kita harus sadar bahwa kita sekarang ini sebetulnya masih terkungkung dan terbelenggu oleh penjajahan yang bersifat nonfisik.

Negeri kita adalah negeri yang kaya dengan berbagai macam sumber daya alam, baik yang terpendam didalam tanah, diatas tanah, maupun yang ada di lautan kita yang luas. Namun semua itu seolah-olah tidak ada bekasnya. Negara-negara kapitalis telah mengeruk dan mengeksploitasinya. Kapal-kapal asing dengan leluasa menjarah hasil lautan kita. Bahkan penjajahan sistem dalam negeri kita sangat terasa. Apakah ini yang disebut kemerdekaan?

Secara politik, apakah negara kita juga sudah benar-benar merdeka dan berdaulat? Betapa seringnya kita tidak berani untuk mengambil sikap dan keputusan politik yang benar-benar kita mau karena takut dengan bayang-bayang hegemoni asing. Demikian pula berbicara soal martabat, apakah negara kita punya martabat di mata dunia? Silakan Anda jawab sendiri.

Bentuk lain dari penjajahan gaya baru, yang bersifat nonfisik, adalah penjajahan opini. Para penjajah baru yang berusaha melanggengkan kekuatan kapitalisme global dalam rangka menguasai dunia, termasuk menguasai negeri kita, telah mensosialiasikan dan mempermainkan berbagai macam isu untuk memuluskan agenda-agenda mereka.

Disamping itu, yang tidak kalah hebatnya adalah penjajahan budaya. Kita telah melihat dengan mata kepala kita sendiri bagaimana budaya-budaya asing yang hedonis, materialis, dan merusak telah merasuk dan menjadi gaya hidup bangsa kita. 

Jawaban dari semua pertanyaan di atas adalah :  Merdekakan Diri Sendiri. Segala yang besar berasal dari yang kecil. Agar bangsa ini bisa benar-benar merdeka, setiap orang terlebih dulu harus memerdekaan dirinya sendiri. Diri kita disebut merdeka jika tidak menghambakan diri kepada sesuatu pun,  Jika diri kita masih terbelenggu, terkungkung dan diperbudak oleh  hawa nafsu, harta benda, kekuasaan, dan sebagainya maka itu berarti kita masih belum merdeka. Kita masih terjajah!

PM Xanana Fired On UNMIT in Dili After UN Internal Docs Leak To TS

Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao has expressed his concern and responded to the UN leaks Docs by TS on 15/05/2011.  During the First Scientific conference in Dili Convention Center Xanana Criticized UN. The Former Resistance leader who fought the Soeharto Regime alone with his people for several times already criticizing the UN which wasting million of dollars but have less impact on the people life. Please read the complete version of PM Xanana's speeches as below:

First of all, I would like to thank you for this opportunity, to speak a little about the theme that was given to me: Nation Building and State Building.

In three days time, we will celebrate the 9th year anniversary of the restoration of independence, which we declared on 28 November 1975. This unilateral declaration was our own self-declaration, however, the international community had yet to accept or recognize it. It was only on 20 May 2002 that the international community gave the recognition that we needed, so that we could become a member of the community of nations in the world and, therefore, on September 2002, we became a member of the United Nations.

In the coming month of July, Southern Sudan will also go through the same process and the international community will be with them on this great day in which they will stand as an independent country and people. And also in the coming month of September, their nation will have a place in the General Assembly, as a member of the UN.

It has been 9 years that we have governed our beloved country. Many countries, in Africa and Asia, gained independence after World War II, meaning 66 years have passed. Countries from the CPLP, in Africa, such as Angola, Mozambique, Guinea Bissau, Cape Verde and São Tomé and Principe, have had 37 years.

That is why, it is very important for us to hold on to our thoughts as we have only recently established our nation and our State. When we do not measure correctly the time that each country has been independent, we make a mistake of comparing one country to another, we fail to see the challenges and difficulties that all countries faced in their first ten to twenty years of independence.

When we fail to understand a process, we have the tendency to expect more than what we are able to achieve under this process. In order to undertake an action with firmness (such that when we start something we have to finish it), to proceed with conviction (that is, if we do something, we believe that it is good), it is important that we do not lose sight of the process or its development.

And this process has to be our own – this is very important!

At the 3rd Bali Democracy Forum, where every year more and more countries are participating, and at Conferences, and also at Universities including some that are overseas, I always say that:

- Democracy is a long process and it can only consolidate when everyone clearly understands the process;

2- Democracy is a process that each country practices, according to its own conditions and characteristics.

We can travel the world and see that, in many countries, they focus on elections, that is, they believe that if elections are good, everything else will change. In Africa and in Asia, many countries, more than 40 or so, still face problems which are the same or greater or more difficult than Timor-Leste.

If we do not open our eyes, to do an extensive study of other countries’ processes, we will not be able to see what we ourselves can do, what we ourselves must do, and what we ourselves know that is good for us.

The principle theory that I have mentioned above, is the one we held, by ourselves, as we took action, in the 24 years of struggle until we won. If we did not have this way of thinking to guide our thoughts, we would have lost the struggle, long after 1979. That is why, we did not make a war in the dark, and we did not make a war without a theoretical base in which to place the process of war.

All processes are the same, and have their own course. Social processes can find their own difficulties and find their own results. Economic processes will always find its own difficulties and come to its own results separately. Political processes also have one way: they have their own challenges and when answering these challenges, the results will respond to its own process.

We are currently following the ‘popular revolution’ in North Africa as well as the Middle East. Egypt’s physical development provides cities that are great and beautiful; however, the political process provided an autocratic regime. This is the same for Libya, Syria, Yemen and Saudia Arabia.

In Asia, we see Laos, Myanmar, Bangladesh, as well as Papua New Guinea which Australia granted independence in 1975, and it is not surprising that they have moved forward.

If we do not know how to study these processes with their own difficulties, we will not find a way to strive forward. In doing so, we can identify a good process, where we can see how it functions and measures the steps that are being taken, to achieve good results.

Processes of Nation Building are extremely complex, where all issues are together, yet at the same time separate, however interlinked or interdependent. Interdependent means that one area that functions well can influence the other. However, if an important area falls behind or is damaged, it can affect other areas, as well as have the ability to stop the entire process.

The process of State Building is a process with its own difficulties and with various challenges. And, more importantly, for our own understanding, it is a very long process. It is not a process that can be undertaken quickly.

Excellency, President of the Republic, Excellencies, Honourable Dean Lecturers

Ladies and Gentlemen, Dear Students

That is why, we can ask: What is a State? States have sovereign institutions, which are pillars of our independent Timor-Leste. Everyone knows the State Institutions: President of the Republic, National Parliament, Government and Judiciary.

We have recently achieved 9 years in the process of self-government! That is why we have to agree that we are still in the construction phase. This means that these institutions already exist, however, we need to make a continued and greater effort to strengthen each year, until each one has its own capacity to deliver good service.

The President of the Republic is the highest institution in our State and is an institution that overseas national unity, democracy, as well as other functions, and overseas the actors of that State that need to obey the Constitution and the Laws.

The National Parliament is a sovereign institution which is also critical. In the Parliament, where the representatives of the people present and defend the people’s aspirations, the parliamentarians then debate and approve the turning of these aspirations into laws. This institution also has a duty to audit the government’s policy, that is, the plans and measures of the government and review if all the government programs and plans have been implemented.

We also need to recognise that the Parliament in its two mandates (2002-2007 and 2007- 2012) has already achieved many things, however, there is still room for improvement, in order to truly represent the people’s wishes. This process needs to be given time, to reinforce the institution’s own capacity and institutional memory.

Government is an institution that has the responsibility to administer programs for five years according to its mandate, and in each year, follows its mandate. The government also needs to oversee and improve the public administration capacity and believe that only through a public service that is capable and professional and full of spirit to serve, can our State function effectively.

For this, the State Inspector General has responsibility to identify any irregularities in the administration. The government also must give attention to the training of the inspectors and auditors in the institutions of government, so that they can better do their work.

We now have a Civil Service Commission, which oversees the recruitment process which must be transparent, the promotion process which must be based on merit and not on friends or family, or political affiliation or bribes, and instead be a process which is based on honesty and fairness in the evaluation for all public servants, and also to impose disciplinar, measures when they are deserved. It has been not much over a year since we have started and we still need a place or facilities, as well as people with capacity and aptitude to this job.

In the self-government process, we also have a process to build and strengthen all the institutions. That is why the State needs to help find solutions that are good for various problems which arise with an obligation to see all the mechanisms within our society.

That is why we have the Provedor for Human Rights and Justice which is currently performing its functions. We all need to accept that if they are to work according to our wishes it will take time as the Government needs to improve their conditions and increase the number of people with skills and capabilities.

Another important institution is the Anti-Corruption Commission. Sometimes I hear that, one year on, there has still been no arrest. To speak like this is poor, because we can not forget that for an institution to function properly human resources is a fundamental requirement. Investigation of corruption crimes is not the same as investigation of homicide. We first have to prepare our people.

Finally, the Courts are also one of our State pillars which uphold justice in our country. The courts’ responsibility is to make sure that everyone is under the law. According to our Constitution, this is our greatest value; everyone has access to justice and everyone is subject to the law.

However, we move forward: Courts, which are institutions that are independent from the three above mentioned institutions, must assure that there is no interference in their decisions. Recently we witnessed the Vice Prime-Minister going to Court as a defendant. José Luís Guterres, as a human being, suffered emotionally, morally and politically. However, our State won! However, our State was strengthened! This is what is important!

According to our constitution, we need to establish Courts as follows: Supreme Court of Justice and other Judicial Courts, Administrative Courts of Fiscal Accounts and Administrative Courts and Military Courts.

Today we only have the Court of Appeals, which has the highest responsibilities and competencies. This only says that we still have processes to establish in our State. This process needs to develop slowly because to establish it correctly, we need to consider our human resources. This is the factor that is still lacking in our country, which is like a measure of our capabilities in the process to establish a State.

The Government has also approved and sent to the Parliament proposed legislation to create the Chamber of Accounts as a first preparatory step for our administrative and fiscal system in our State.

For all the citizens to have access to justice we have to establish a court within our country. However, this is not enough. We also need Prosecutors and Public Defenders, we also have to properly prepare the civil servants in the justice sector, we also have to better prepare police investigators and we also need more lawyers.

Even though it is small, let us begin to celebrate. Yesterday I participated in a ceremony for new judges, prosecutors and public defenders who took office. A recruitment process is also now in place. In this year alone, 45 more will receive training. Sixty investigators will also receive training.

To understand all this we must not lose the sense that we are still in the process of establishing and strengthening the State’s institutions.

Ladies and Gentlemen Dear Students

Now we move to the other question: What is a Nation?

The nation is the country Timor-Leste and all its people, the State and the whole society. According to the 2010 Census Statistics, which we did ourselves, Timor-Leste has 1.064 million inhabitants (This means Timor-Leste’s population is 1 million, 64,000).

Looking at these age group figures we can see that the situation is very complex. Timor- Leste’s population is a very young population.

 There are more than 400,000 people up to the age of 15  Up to the age of 25, there are more than 500,000.

This data can be seen from two perspectives: one, that RDTL has great hope for its future because our population is still young. The other is a big challenge for the education and for their training and their capacity.

This shows to all of us that the Education sector is the biggest and greatest priority for the future of this nation. Education for all children and a quality education.

Education that needs to be orientated to all the children to acquire skills so in the end they can find jobs. Because our greatest challenge for our nation in this time is work and jobs for all the Timorese.

According to our Constitution, the State exists to look over the livelihood of the people. When we mention livelihood we cannot move away from the health sector which oversees the people’s wellbeing.

When sickness arises it affects a lot of people, and there is also sickness that affects small groups which they still look after. In order to look at all this sickness, the State needs to find ways to continue to attend and better plan so it can reduce, or in the end eliminate, some of the diseases from our country.

Many illnesses affect the population because of malnutrition and we can also mention food because there is still a lack of food. Therefore, the agriculture sector has the responsibility to improve and slowly it will eradicate hunger in our country. It is not just our people that are suffering hunger. Many countries, millions of people in the whole world, have a shortage of food or are hungry.

I only mention the areas that are important and very basic for the people’s wellbeing -for today and the future.

Excellency, President of the Republic Excellencies Honourable Dean Lecturers

Ladies and Gentlemen Dear Students

In the process of establishing our nation, what are the mechanisms which the State needs to oversee?

When we mention mechanisms we are raising a big issue. Therefore, I will focus on two mechanisms that we need to really improve for the nation to move forward in a better way.

a- Political mechanism, an area which, whether you like it or not, is a part of our lives according to our Constitution.

A democratic system that provides freedom of expression, in which every person is entitled to their own opinion, and there is no one who will prevent you from expressing your opinion. However, when we begin to establish a democratic process we think that democracy is used to shout at one another and put each other down and think that freedom gives us a license to do whatever we like.

Democracy is about the rights of every individual, however, it also about the rights of everyone. There is a very beautiful expression to help us understand: my right is only until the boundary where another person’s rights begin. In reality, we can say, my vegetable patch or my backyard is only until my neighbour’s fence.

When we have this understanding, we can begin to adopt the correct concept within a democracy. Because of this concept we can be assured of our own understanding regarding obligations. I have the obligation to respect other people’s rights, just as other people have the obligation to respect my rights.

Democracy does not only grant rights, democracy also gives obligations to each individual and everyone. When we are within a democracy we better understand obligations. Always within a society, the spirit of solidarity should be strong. Solidarity arises when we respect one another but it takes the whole society to love one another and to help each other.

b- Social mechanism

In this mechanism, we will look at the various organisations that bring together a lot of people who think and want the same things.

We can mention religion in this context. Timor-Leste, while majority Catholic, respects other religions. In this area we all should be proud because there is true tolerance within our society.

However, because of this tolerance, in one or two years, some groups have taken actions, and later stolen other people’s property and have became a problem. All this can happen because we are the ones who received them in our house and we extended our hands to receive some food or money.

Lastly, external groups brought their religion and books which they distributed and which were radical. This can ruin us as a small nation, a nation that is still poor and we ask for all the religious orders to keep an eye on this. Radicalism has entered our country, so if we are not vigilant it will ruin us like it has done other countries in the world.

In the social mechanism, we also mention other organisations for the youth, for the women, for the professionals, for the vulnerable and for many others. Our State does not yet have the capacity to oversee all these mechanisms. After we see the general situation in the nation, the State has the duty to prioritise. However, we can not also think that everything is a priority. If we think like that, we are not thinking correctly.

In weighing up all the necessities, some became priorities to attend to in order to reduce these necessities.

Last Saturday, we met groups and organisations which are called martial arts or ‘ritual arts’, so that they can talk to each other and ask each other what each group can contribute to this beloved nation. They all made a promise that, as a group or organisation, they no longer want to be involved in violence in this country. The State’s obligation is to oversee this, to assist and to improve a spirit of citizenship in each Timorese’s thinking and action.

The State recognised that it has yet to give its maximum attention to the arts, to the culture, to the paintings, to the theatre, to the music and to the sports. However, we have to move slowly. We are in the process of strengthening our Nation and our State.

Last week also, the government met with the village chiefs to discuss their duties within their communities, to attend to the various problems that might arise and which will need to be resolved.

The Government is also working with the Civil Service Commission to bring together all public servants to discuss with them their rights as well as to reinforce their conscience regarding their obligations.

In the past few years, the Government sought to meet with the private sector, because we need to oversee our private sector, so they can improve in order to be better partners in the development of this country.

The biggest foundation for this process is security, stability, peace and love within the whole of our society. We have already started and we still need to continue.

Excellency, President of the Republic Excellencies Honourable Dean Lecturers

Ladies and Gentlemen Dear Students

To conclude, I will talk a little about the construction of a citizenry. Our Constitution says all citizens are obligated to defend Timor-Leste’s sovereignty.

University, as an institution of higher learning, has a big responsibility in the process to establish our nation, that is: to educate citizens that are good and knowledgeable for the future.

Citizens who are good are those people who look to hold firm the principles that are good. Citizens who are good are those people who look to hold firm good values.

Citizens who are good are Timorese which put the interest of people and nation above interest of individuals or other groups.

A citizen can be smart, however, and still become a citizen that is not good.

Last week, I received the Dean and the Directorate of University of PGRI from Kupang. They informed me about the plans for co-operation with UNTL, and they also wanted to implement a Portuguese language course as well as activities in the area of sports in their university.

Our meeting was very positive. We discussed the responsibilities of the institutions of higher learning and we discussed the meaning of education. We came to the conclusion that education is to train people, to broader their minds to be able to understand and respond to the real world which they will confront. However, we also reminded each other that, in Indonesia, rivalry between schools has created violence, created intolerance (which in Indonesia is known as ‘braul antara sekolah-sekolah’), and a phenomenon which is a bad thing, because it is contagious to a society which has found a place to breed intolerance and violence in the future.

Because of this, institutions of higher learning have obligations to teach and reinforce moral values and ethics, so that they can produce good citizens for a Nation. I proposed to them that because this is a very important topic, the government is ready to lend support to the yearly seminars between university lecturers which are near us. To define what they all can see and need, so that universities can have the ability to better prepare ....the citizens for each other’s country and for the world.

Citizenship does not mean to just obtain an ID card, to vote for a political party or vote on Election Day. Citizenship means an obligation to positively contribute to the Nation.

Sometimes, the Timorese can side step their obligations, can lose their concept of sovereignty. This person, this Timorese, considers himself or herself as an independent person and, therefore, the interests of the Nation have no value to them.

They consider themselves to be independent, because it is not the State that pays their way, rather it is large organisations, such as perhaps UN agencies, where there are also questions of transparency and the effectiveness and results of the big budgets that they have spent. The BBC has reported that a UN agency has taken billions of dollars to Afghanistan, to fix the living standards of the children, however, when the money was spent and the agency left the country, the children were worst off than before.

I will make a small intervention and I ask your permission to speak a little longer, because yesterday I also read a beautiful document from UNMIT.

I am happy to read Timor ‘wikileaks’, or ‘UNleaks’, which was released yesterday by Tempo Semanal. On 24 January this year, UNMIT made a presentation to their staff about ‘Democratic governance in Timor-Leste’. In it, it said that Xanana Gusmão is a big obstacle to the development of democracy in Timor-Leste.

I was very happy because they showed that they do not know Xanana Gusmão. And now, I say to all of you, and also take this opportunity to inform them, just as in 2009 I informed Australian Intelligence when they asked me why I purchased the patrol boats from China.

Xanana Gusmão was before a Marxism-Leninist, a member of the Fretilin Central Committee which claimed Marxism-Leninism as Fretilin ideology on 20 May 1977, in Laline. Those who participated in this decision that are still living are Abel Larisima, Ma Huno and Filomeno Paixão.

Xanana Gusmão, who could have become President of Fretilin and President of RDTL, on 3 March 1981, at the Conference of the Re-organisation of the Struggle, when the path was wide open for him. But he did not want to, because his preoccupation was to learn to direct the struggle to win independence. And with his influence, Mr Abílio de Araújo, who at the moment is in Lisbon, was chosen.

In March 1985, Xanana Gusmão presented a plan for a solution to the struggle, a plan that only in 1999 was the UN able to apply.

In 1986, Xanana Gusmão took one year to study a better strategy for the struggle, withdrew from Fretilin so as to embrace other parties as well as to open the way for more parties. Friends of the Fretilin delegation outside the country wrote a letter to him, in the mountains, to say that they did not agree with this strategy, some even called him a traitor...to the revolution...until even today.

UNMIT and UN Agencies have forgotten that in 2001, after already approving the transition Plan for the Restoration, on the 20th of May, Xanana Gusmão no longer involved himself in the UNTAET process, nor did he involve himself in the political process for the Constituent Assembly Elections, he was sitting quietly, overseeing the veterans and receiving $500 dollars from the World Bank for the demobilisation of FALANTIL.

UNMIT considers Xanana Gusmão, the experts both Timorese and international who work in UNMIT, say: Xanana is the biggest obstacle to Constitutionalism.

In February 2008, Xanana Gusmão did not read correctly the Constitution of RDTL to stop the non-activities of UNMIT and the non-operations of the ISF, when he decided to create a joint operation so that our sovereignty would not be alienated; a decision I can guarantee that had it not been made we would still be in a crisis.

But for UNMIT, this would have been good....because they could get to stay here longer! And I must say, that some Timorese defend UNMIT and do not want it to leave, because it greatly assists the economy of our people and argue that if UNMIT leaves, our people will be very poor. But this has already happened when from 2000 to 2008, the international community spent almost 8 billion dollars in Timor-Leste and we do not see any physical development and even more poverty was created in our country. And because they are leaving, poverty increases, and this is our fault!

UNMIT also stated that my response to the “2009 State General Budget” case was very hostile, meaning that I showed a lack of respect to the Courts. I agreed that UNMIT had a lot of knowledge, with its nationals and internationals, which is why they did not correctly study my response to the National Parliament.

UNMIT’s knowledge can not understand that I as the Prime Minister of Timor-Leste, do not accept theories from politicians or academics in Portugal, that the Courts referred to and relied upon in their judgment, because I have followed the financial and economic situation in Portugal. (As before, I do not fight in the dark). In my response, I mentioned that if the theories which the Court referred to in their judgment were correct, Portugal would not be falling down. Today Portugal, with 120 billion dollars in debt, is looking for assistance from the European Banks and the IMF. If this is a response that UNMIT classifies as hostile, this means that the “experts” in UNMIT are very clever indeed.

And UNMIT also mentioned the Maternus Bere case. Some Timorese also shouted, because people from other countries told them to shout. Saddam Hussein has been killed! Everyone was happy because justice has prevailed! In ten years, Iraq has had numerous elections according to international standards. In Iraq... the war still continues, and President Obama himself promised in his campaign to end the war, today, I say there is no capacity to make a decision regarding this issue. In January 2006, I went to Washington, I spoke at the Centre of Strategic Studies and I said: “President Bush, until the end of his mandate, did not manage to establish a date to reduce or withdraw the American troops from Iraq.” And I asked the Americans “Do not kill Saddam Hussein, use Saddam Hussein to make reconciliation in Iraq, or else, the Iraqis will continue to kill one another”. And, today, May 2011, they continue to kill each other and this war will not end quickly. Even though Osama Bin Laden has now also died.

These experts have not followed the events in Libya where people are also looking for a compromised solution to Muammar Gaddafi, to convince him to go to another Middle Eastern country, some with promises that he will not have to answer to anything. This is not possible, however, when we reflect on this, the big problem that will arise, is that any of the Middle Eastern nations which may receive all have problems of their own. Attempts such as this, have also arisen in relation to Hosni Mubarak, from Egypt.

That is why everything is relative. One thing is activism! Another thing is politics, where one has to defend the interest of the nation. And the interest of the nation is something that is very broad, from diplomacy to the aspects of practical relations, from economy to commerce, from security to sovereignty.

I also have my appreciation of UN agencies. My proposal is this: UNMIT and Timorese experts, offer your services to improve Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and give support to democracy in Yemen, Syria and Libya.

However, in the UNMIT presentation, in January 2011, they said that, only if the UN continues to be in Timor-Leste can this country improve.

I want to say to these Timorese, which have become experts for UNMIT, you do not need to show-off; you do not need to grovel for other people’s money, because this is a sickness, which we call mental colonialism or intellectual colonialism.

In the Portuguese language it is alienation. In our Constitution it says: do not alienate our sovereignty, do not sell our sovereignty to other people.

I am happy that UNMIT has this view of me. Perhaps they are the ones who elected me as a good person....to UNMIT, the people have a right to suspect that I have already alienated the interests of the people, I have already alienated our nation’s sovereignty. Therefore, I am happy.....because the nationals and internationals in UNMIT are not happy with me.

We know some people have become big “experts” in our country, however, maybe they should now work together with President Obama to look to resolve the 14.5 trillion dollar American debt, and the big fraud which the financial institutions and banks displayed in 2009 that damaged the whole world.

Some have become “expert” in macroeconomics and finance in our country. They have yet to learn that they are well groomed to serve Europe to get it out of its big problems, such as 788 billion in debts from Ireland, Greece, and Portugal and a “bailout” in which the European Bank and IMF can only offer 322 billion.

These experts today hold RDTL ID cards, but they do not yet know that greater countries in the world need them. America and Europe need these Timorese experts and internationals, to correct the standards which they so dearly defend.

And the world needs reform that is indeed big. Big organisations in the world need reforms which are bold and clear, in order to clean the dirt from within, so that they can gain experience to clean other people’s backyards. The UN itself needs this big reform.

In 2004, I and the current President Dr Ramos-Horta, at the time Minister of Foreign Affairs, went to visit Germany. German’s President asked for Timor-Leste to support reforms in the UN and their candidacy to the Security Council. I said to the German President: “Reforms in the UN can not just be by providing new members to the Security Council. There needs to be a true reform because the UN is a big organisation and very bureaucratic, which spends a lot of money...and we all see that poverty continues to increase throughout the world”.

There needs to be a reform throughout these agencies, where they only communicate with each other, where they defend the standards which they profess but seldom practice. Big and rich countries can not continue to impose their rules on the world. Small and poor countries can not also remain silent when receiving these empty words in their ears.

In February, I participated in the Jakarta International Dialogue on Defence. In my intervention I challenged the participants, civilians, politicians and military staff, from Europe to Asia, from UN representatives, to those from Africa and the Middle East, and said: “Why do we not look for a way to end the many wars which cost billions of dollars each year, so that the international community can make a good plan, to provide water to the places which are in drought, mostly in Africa, and therefore, money used for war can save thousands and millions of people and this provides real sustainability”.

The topic of transparency regarding assistance from overseas was also raised. I also raised this challenge there, because, why not? International agencies spend a lot of money, and in some places, take rice to distribute, write their own big reports that they have saved people from hunger in order to ask for more money to continue to distribute the rice.

Couple this with “sustainability”, which today comes across as a new word to some of the experts in our beloved country. Some Agencies or NGOs have found money, have come to do something, when there is no more money they come running to the government asking for assistance or else they will close. However, everyday, they preach to us regarding sustainability. And the Timorese which have already become experts, also mention everyday to us “sustainability”. Why is that? If they do not shout, people no longer give them money, and they also do not find sustainability.

My dear friends,

Because of this, Timor-Leste today leads the g7+ where 17 countries come together, representing a total population of more than 350 million people to talk, or to say the right word, to correct the systems that are currently used throughout the world.

All these things that we the Timorese need to look to understand, look to accompany, look to listen, or else everyday we think that Timor-Leste is the worst in the world. If we did not know, we would think that the Timorese and international experts are right. To make us think that: in the world everyone has a job, everyone has liberty, everyone lives in peace, everyone has a full belly, their police do not hit their people, that they do not have crime, that there are no prisons, or that the hospitals are closed because there is no sickness, the rich people feed the poor three times a day, that governments do not have problems like in Timor-Leste.

We understand that we still have a lot of problems, we will improve. We all look to continue to make an effort. At an Indonesian University, I also delivered a speech last March and I said: “In developed countries there is a bad culture, the society does not value the efforts which their government is making to respond to the various necessities. People like to minimise these efforts which only strengthens other countries well being’.

However, it is not only because of this that the State is surprised. The State can not give value to the undeserved opinions of one or two individuals. The State needs to remain firm, follow the road that it knows to be correct and good for the people.

The correct way is this: during the war, we had one principle – “’Rely on your own strength’, meaning ‘Rely on your own capacity’”. We kept in our mind, another principle – “national unity through reconciliation”, meaning, we only build unity when we make peace and live in peace.

We know what we want and the State of Timor-Leste knows what its people want.

 Díli, 17 May 2011.